• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.44 no.4
• /
• pp.56-69
• /
• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
• /
• v.19 no.1
• /
• pp.1-51
• /
• 2019

The understanding of law and science as fundamentally different two systems, in which fact stands against justice, rapid progress against prudent process, is far too simple to be valid. Nonetheless, such account is commonly employed to explain the tension between law and science or justice and truth. Previous STS research raises fundamental doubts upon the off-the-shelf concept of "scientific truth" that can be introduced to the court for legal judgment. Delimiting the qualification of the expert, the value of the expert knowledge, or the criteria of the scientific expertise have always included social negotiation. What are the values that are affecting the boundary-making of the thing called "modern science" that is supposedly useful in solving legal conflicts? How do the value of law and the meaning of justice change as the boundaries of modern science take shapes? What is the significance of "science" when it is emphasized, particularly in relation to the legal provisions of paternity, and how does this perception of science affect unfoldings of legal disputes? In order to explore the answers to the above questions, we follow a process in which a type of "knowledge-deficient model" of a court-that is, law lags behind science and thus, under-employs its useful functions-can be closely examined. We attend to a series of discussions and subsequent changes that occurred in the US courts between 1930s and 1970s, when blood type tests began to be used to determine parental relations. In conclusion, we argue that it was neither nature nor truth in itself that was excavated by forensic scientists and legal practitioners, who regarded blood type tests as a truth machine. Rather, it was their careful practices and crafty narratives that made the roadmaps of modern science, technology, and society on which complex tensions between modern states, families, and courts were seen to be "resolved".

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
• /
• no.27
• /
• pp.267-361
• /
• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.56 no.3
• /
• pp.62-74
• /
• 2023

Much attention has been focused on the Baekpoman area due to the archaeological achievements of the past, but studies on prehistoric times when villages began to form is insufficient, and the Bronze Age village landscape was examined in order to supplement this. In the area of Baekpo Bay, the natural geographical limit connected to the inland was culturally confirmed by the distribution density of dolmens, and the generality of the Bronze Age settlement was confirmed with the Hwangsan-ri settlement. Bunto Village in Hwangsan-ri represents a farming-based village in the Baekpo Bay area, and the residential group and the tomb group are located on the same hill, and it is composed of three individual residential groups, and the village landscape had attached buildings used as warehouses and storage facilities. In the area of Baekpo Bay, it spread in the Tamjin River basin and the Yeongsan River basin where Songgukri culture and dolmen culture were integrated, and the density distribution of the villages was considered to correspond to the distribution density of dolmens. In order to examine the landscape of village distribution, the classification of Sochon-Jungchon-Daechon was applied, and it was classified as Sochon, a sub-unit constituting the village, in that the number of settlements constituting the village in the Bronze Age was mostly less than five. There are numerical differences between Jungchon and Daechon, and the distribution pattern does not necessarily coincide with the hierarchy. The three individual residential groups of Bunto Village in Hwangsan-ri are Jungchon composed of complex communities of blood relatives with each family community, and a stabilized village landscape was created in the Gusancheon area. In the area of Baekpo Bay, Bronze Age villages formed a landscape in which small villages were scattered around the rivers and formed a single-layered relationship. Dolmens (tombs) were formed between the villages and villages, and seem to have coexisted. Sochondeul is a family community based on agriculture, and it is believed that self-sufficient stabilized rural villages that live by acquiring various wild resources in rivers, mountains, and the sea formed a landscape.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
• /
• v.12 no.3
• /
• pp.85-127
• /
• 2006

This study examines the formation and change of relational trust among Korean adolescents using indigenous psychological perspective. Among adolescents, we examine the basis of trust of their parents, friends and teacher and also their trust in people and institutions. A total of 968 adolescents (227 elementary, 284 middle school, 213 high school, and 244 university students) completed a questionnaire that contains the Relational Trust Scale developed by Kim and Park (2004a), Generalized Trust Scale developed by Yamagishi (1998) and a scale measuring trust of people and institutions (Kim, Helgesen & Ahn, 2002). The results are as follows. First, adolescents trust their parents due to their sacrifice, followed by their counsel and advice, dependability, consanguinity and respects. They trust their teachers due to their counsel and advice, followed by respect, sacrifice, and mutual trust. They trust their friends due to their advice, followed by empathy, mutual trust, dependability, friendship and sacrifice. Second, trust of their parents are highest among the elementary school students and lowest for the middle school students and lower for older age groups. The trust in teachers are highest among the elementary school students and lowest among the middle school and university students. In contrast, trust in friends increase from elementary school students to older age groups. Third, among trust in people and institutions, they are highest for parents and family and lowest for politicians and political parties. Except for trust in friends, trust of significant others and institutions (family, teachers, neighbors, company executives and politicians) is highest among the youngest age group and it decreases with older age group. Fourth, Yamagishi's generalized trust was highest among the older age groups (high school and university students). The patterns of results for relational trust and generalized trust is different and it points to the importance of understanding trust from the indigenous psychological perspective.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
• /
• v.10 no.2
• /
• pp.247-253
• /
• 1992

Between August 1987 and July 1991, 22 patients with acute nonlymphocytic leukemia have received allogeneic bone marrow transplantation (BMT) with non-T-lymphocyte-depleted marrow obtained from matched sibling donors. Of these patients, 12 patients were in first complete remission (CR) and 10 patients in second CR or greater or in relapse. All patients were treated with a preparative regimen consisting of cyclophosphamide (CTX, 60 mg/kg) or combined drugs, and 850 cGy single-dose or $150\~200$ cGy fractionated total body irradiation (TBI) administered twice daily for a total dose of $1200\~1320$ cGy. Survivors have been followed from 8 to 64.5 months (median, 24 months). The overall 2 year survival rate, relapse rate and incidence of radiation pneumonitis and graft versus host disease (GVHD) have been evaluated by age, phase of disease, initial WBC count, modality of TBI or conditioning chemotherapy. Overall 2 year survival was $58{\%}$. The median survival was 31 months and mean survival was 23.2 months. Overall survival have significant impact in patients of age >19 years old (p=0.008), patients in first CR (p=0.09). Two year survival rate is significantly correlated with age ( >19 vs $\leqq$19, $79.4\%$ vs $14.3\%$, p=0.0008), regimen of chemotherapy (CTX vs combined drug, $76.9\%\;vs\;33.3\%$, p=0.04), phase of disease (1st CR vs \geqq2nd$ CR or relapse, $83.3\%\;vs\;30\%$, p=0.01) and method of TBI (fractionated vs single dose, $70.7\%\;vs\;37.5\%$, p=0.05). The influence of French-American-British (FAB) subtypes on relapse rate is not significant, but initial WBC count > 20000/$mm^3$ is associated with increased relapse rate. There is difference in the rate of radiation pneumonitis ($14.3\%\;vs\;25\%$), GVHD ($14.3\%\;vs\;50\%$) and relapse ($21.4\%\;vs\;50\%$) according to fractionated versus single-dose TBI. As mentioned above, fractionated TBI is compatible for the preparative regimen combined with chemotherapy En allogeneic BMT of first CR patients under 41 years of age with suitable donor. Those results from a retrospective, non-randomized study clearly need additional clinical data, ideally from a randomized study.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.33 no.3
• /
• pp.38-49
• /
• 2015

This study aims to contemplated spatial recognition in Soswaewon Garden through garden visitors poetry. It was content analysis in poetry and extract frequency from words based on relationship of author. The results were as follows. First, relationship of authors who wrote Soswaewon Garden poetry was formed in companionship. In the Yang, San-Bo(梁山甫), poetry was written by Song, Soon(宋純), Kim, Un-Geo(金彦据) and Kim, In-Hu(金麟厚) as the central figure. Especially Kim, In-Hu was playing an important role in Soswaewon Garden poetry. He was wrote many of poetry and keep friends with Yang, Ja-Jeong(梁子渟) too. In the Yang, Ja-Jung, relationship of previous generation was sustained. In addition, Ko, Gyeong-Myeong(高敬命) and Kim, Seong-Won and Jeong, Chul(鄭澈) is more closely related than others. Because blood relationship by marriage. In the Yang, Jin-Tae(梁晋泰), He formed a relationship with a celebrity and attend to international activity. Since then Yang, Jin-Tae periord, Yang, Gyeong-Ji(梁敬之) and Yang, Chae-Ji(梁采之) formed relationship of previous generation was sustained. And surrounding people was written poetry as hold a banquet. Second, plant and ornament is a popular object for writing poetry. Bamboo grove and Fine tree with a high frequency of plant element in poetry. Bamboo grove is a typical species of trees in Soswaewon Garden. It was enclosed the Soswaewon Garden. Fine tree was often used target of poetry as a single tree. Meanwhile, ornament of the wall has been used most frequently. Descendants wrote a poem to see it because Kim, In-Hu's poetry was left. This phenomenon is involves respect for the ancient sages with high frequency. In addition, behavior of viewing the landscape was mainly appeared. Third, spatial recognition of Soswaewon Garden can be divided into landscape cognition, behavior cognition and emotional cognition. In a aspect of landscape cognition, early Soswaewon Garden was recognized as a pavilion. That was used garden name to 'Soswaewon Garden' since Yang, Ja-Jung's period. That is to say, Soswaewon Garden expanded from pavilion area surrounded by trees into the whole appearance is equipped garden area. Behavior cognition was consisting drink and enjoys a landscape. In the Yang, San-Bo, authors enjoyed drinking and viewing a landscape besides walking, writing poetry, viewing the moon. But after Yang, San-Bo's period other than drinking and enjoy a landscape has appeared a low frequency. These results were changed from internal place to blood relationship into external place to companionship. In the Yang, San-Bo's emotional cognition was sorrow and yearning about leave to Soswaewon Garden with an idly atmosphere. Pleasant emotion was sustained all generation. And emotion of respect for the ancient sages was appeared since Yang, Cheon-un.