• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.429-465
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• 2019

This paper analyzed the ways in which "others" were reproduced in Korean movies in the 1970s. In the midst of the social changes of the era, such as urbanization due to rapid industrial modernization, many people became laborers for industry in order to obtain the fruits of modernization.But the landscape of others, which was inevitably produced in the process of constructing such subjects, has been limited to analysis that is focused on gender and youth discourse. This article aims to extract the landscape of others in the 1970s by adopting a different perspective. The way in which the other is present can be divided into the following two categories. First, in 1970s film, the family community, in contrast with 1960s film, has disintegrated and cracked, due to the inability of others to enter or leave the community. The desperate perception that the family community can no longer function as a stable foundation or center of the constitution, and that it cannot have a sense of security and belonging,is revealed through the way the others are wandering in and out of the community. Second, 'Death' is an element of social life in the violence of the national ideology of the 1970s, and the everyday exceptional state. The way in which the 'other' is completely eliminated from the normal subjectivity requested by the state and is deported in film reflectshow everyday death or potential death is part of life of the 1970s. Normal life pursued through rapid urbanization and industrialization leads to the death of the other beings, but the way of existence of others is the desperate reality of the 1970s, when the boundaries of the state that provide stability and belonging are broken. As a result, the landscape of others in the 1970s reveals a violent reality that destroys the perfect middle class family discourse that industrial modernization was oriented around in the 1970s, and that produced masses of others who caused numerous deaths. In spite of regime censorship, Korean films were popularly revealing the violence of life brought in by the 1970s, following a detour of representation.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.73-116
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• 2019

In recent years, television dramas have adopted an emerging approach of imagining a just society via fantasy. This study set out to examine by stages the patterns of social justice in I Hear Your Voice, Pinocchio, and While You Were Sleeping written by Park Hye-ryeon, who has been leading this trend. I Hear Your Voice shows why social justice is needed, as it is set against the backdrop of a society in which legal justice has collapsed. In this drama, the collapse of the legal justice system indicates that democratic society is falling apart at the roots. As a result, pain and suffering is propagated among the petit bourgeois, with social justice being demanded as an alternative to this problematic reality. The supernatural power of reading the thoughts of others is used to remind viewers of the value of truth and trust and raises the possibility of the existence of a true heart as an alternative from a social justice perspective. Set in a society in which media justice is distorted, Pinocchio makes an attempt at changing ideas about social justice. In this drama, the corrupt media justice covers up truth and becomes a parasite to power, creating victims that are falsely accused. In this situation, the Pinocchio Syndrome, which makes people hiccup when telling a lie, shows paradoxically that truth can be distorted, and ultimately destroys absoluteness that is not truth. Finally, While You Were Sleeping inherits the world views of the two previous dramas and proposes a type of social justice called 'common good' as an alternative. A completely unfair society is created when legal justice collapses and media justice is distorted. In this situation, the ability to see the future is an ability to imagine a world of possibilities. Altruistic choices based on trust in others help us to realize a positive future. Social justice as common good to enable solidarity among subjects in a way that transcends the limitations of time and space is proposed as an alternative to overcome the problem of an unfair society. Given the recent reality of South Korean society, this common good and these ways of life might literally seem like a fantasy. When social justice is represented by efforts and reconstruction processes to overcome the current social issues and make a better future, common good based on the understanding and sympathy of others can be an alternative to improve a reality that is problematic at its root. Ultimately, Park's three works explore the feasibility of a just society that is yet to come from the aspect of the common good.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.56-70
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• 2022

Tombs No. 39 and No. 63 in Gyo-dong, Changnyeong, are unique in the Changnyeong area in that they do not have additional burials because they are hoenggu-style tombs with an entrance on the north side. This study tried to understand the nature and meaning of the two separate stone walls at the entrance of the tomb along with the burial process of the tomb. These two stone walls mark small tombs built independently within a large tomb, with stone wall No. 39 stone wall No. 3 (No.39-3) and No. 63 stone wall No. 3 (No. 63-3). Both units are located in the middle of the northern wall of the burial body part and share one wall with the burial body part wall stone. All animal fluids inside the stone wall were identified. In particular, it was estimated that at least three dogs were buried as a result of identification of animal fluids No. 63-3. Above all, these animals have their heads facing outward with their backs to the main occupants, and do not overlap in a limited space and are placed side by side. Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 were created in the process of building the burial body, and although they are independent relics, they form a subordinate relationship in that they were built along the main burial within one tomb. In addition, it is coercive in that it is placed in an orderly manner according to a certain direction in a state that has not been dismantled after killing an animal. Therefore, It is understood to be the SHUNJANG of dogs. Studies on animal fluids excavated from tombs in the Three Kingdoms period are interpreted as animal stewardship, sacrificial collection, and animal sacrifice depending on their location, and this is known as a series of animal sacrifice rites, namely, animal stewardship and sacrifice. This recognition is based on material objectification of animals, such as food or sacrifices. However, Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 are different in that they recognize animals as spiritual beings in the process of funeral rites and are closely related to the ideology that there is life after death. In addition, analysis of the location and directionality of the remains is also required from multiple angles. These two SHUNJANG correspond to the entrance to the tomb, and the location is the most open space at the entrance. The appearance of a dog looking outward, etc., can also be interpreted as the meaning of protecting the tombs and byeoksa. This appearance can be compared with the dog depicted in a mural in a Goguryeo tomb that reflects the ancient world's thought and stone figures excavated from the tomb of King Muryeong of Baekje, and it is also consistent with the meaning of the JINMYOSU protecting the ancient tombs. This suggests that a multifaceted study on animal fluid burial remains is needed in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.118-135
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• 2022

The primary purpose of this study is to estimate the structure of Byeongpungsadaseok (屛風莎臺石) and Nanganseok (欄干石) in Geonwonneung (建元陵) and Heonneung (獻陵), which were built in the early of 15th century, based on the Annals of King Sejong. In addition, the ultimate purpose of this study is to reveal structural changes and their significance by comparing the differences with the contents of the dismantlement survey. Geonwonneung, Jereung(齊陵), and Heonneung were repaired at the same time in 1442, and the structural changes were the similar. The purpose of the repair in 1442 was to prevent water from flowing into the underground palace with smooth drainage. As a result of estimating the structure of Geonwonneung and Heonneung according to the records of the Annals of King Sejong, it was created in a very similar form to the Hyeonneung and Jeongneung of Goryeo. And it was clearly recognized that the Royal Tomb of Goryeo was followed. However, as the structure was improved in 1442, the unique characteristics of the Royal Tomb of the Joseon Dynasty were formed. First is the appearance of the Bokbuhyeong lime (覆釜形石灰, which is a convex roof on the Byeongpungsadaseok that serves to prevent rainwater from penetrating into the burial mound. It also plays a role in connecting and fixing the Manseok (滿石) and the Inseok (引石), which are the upper structures of the Sadaseok (莎臺石). Second, the Bakseok (薄石) between the nanganseok and the sadaseok has been transformed into the Sangseok (裳石) with a slope. This plays a role in protecting the inner stone chamber by expanding the length of the bakseok, which forms an overall slope, like the eaves of the roof. After both of these features were first attempted in 1442, they were applied to all Royal Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty and became unique features of these Royal Tombs.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.6
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• pp.247-256
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• 2019

The importance of the convergence education is getting more and more emphasized. But the university convergence education has not yet met today's needs. So this study is focused on showing effective practice methods and finding development directions of the university convergence criticism education. One of a significant trend of the contemporary academic education of liberal arts is the tendency of the convergent and integrative studies. What is essential in the convergent and integrative studies creativity. The zeitgeist of knowledge-based society is change and innovation. In response to its request, college education is being asked to do convergence education, And general education as the basis of convergence education is strengthened.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.192-214
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• 2023

Wooden architectural cultural heritages are one of the visible legacies that show the national's identity. Even when the concept of 'the original' of cultural heritages was not accurately understood, the emphasis of preservation and management of cultural heritages was placed on 'preservation of the original form' or 'maintenance of the original form'. Moreover, these days, following the trend of international preservation principles, cultural heritages are considered important as "values as historical objects." This paper is the result of an attempt to determine the scope and content of what parts should be monitored to maintain the original form of wooden architectural cultural heritage. The first thing to be done in monitoring wooden architectural cultural heritage is to check the condition of the ground and foundation. The second is the column. This is because the instability of the column causes damage to the joint with each member and the fitting part, resulting in physical changes leading to damage to the wall. The third is monitor the roof tiles. If the leak continues into the building due to the separation or damage of the roof, the defect should be partially dismantled and repaired, so it should be monitored to maintain its original shape as much as possible. The monitoring range of the base, column, and roof serves as a reference point for identifying what damage is being done to the relevant cultural heritages. In other words, the data at the time when monitoring began becomes the 'original' for the year. Alternatives based on the analysis of monitoring for the preservation of original cultural heritages should be actively introduced. In addition, by sharing the current state and situation of cultural heritages as a result of monitoring with various related organizations, preventive preservation should be established rather than preservation of cultural heritages by "intervention."

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.1-34
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• 2020

It has been suggested that Jeungsan's prophetic poem that starts with the verse "For about seven or eight years, there will be a castle in the ancient country [七八年間古國城] ⋯" originally comes from Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄). Despite Jeungsan, himself, obviously having been critical of that text, this claim has become the basic grounds for discourse suggesting that Jeungsan was not only interested in Prophecies of Jeong Gam but also considerably influenced by the text. However, the claim itself was formulated due to misunderstandings of the Chinese poems that had been included in A Compilation of Secret Prophecies Hidden in the Family-clan of Seogye (西溪家臧訣). These poems pursue a different ideological orientation than the poem from Prophecies of Jeong Gam. Ultimately, the Chinese poem in the verse 84 the chapter titled, Prophetic Elucidations in The Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe cannot provide a basis for the claim that Jeungsan was strongly influenced by Prophecies of Jeong Gam. This claim that Prophecies of Jeong Gam made a deep impact on Jeungsan and Daesoon Thought was based on three other texts outside of those that appear within verse 84 of Prophetic Elucidations. The first supposedly-related line is: "Heaven opens at the period of the Rat (Ja 子), Earth opens at the period of the Ox (Chuk 丑), humankind starts at the period of the Tiger (Ihn 寅)." This line comes from from Shao Kangjie's Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles (皇極經世), and the line could be quoted idiomatically as an expression in the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, attempts to relate Daesoon Thought to Prophecies of Jeong Gam are a distortion that arise from the assumption that Jeungsan had a significant interest in Prophecies of Jeong Gam. The second related line is "At the foot of Mount Mother (母岳山), a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山下 金佛能言]." That line is nearly identical to the verse "On the summit of Mount Mother, a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山頭 金佛能言]." Yet, Jeungsan changed '頭 (du, the summit)' to '下 (ha, the foot or under)' and express his own unique religious prophecy. This allusion to the prophecies of Jeong Gam is actually a criticism designed to disprove the earlier prophecy. Third, is the verse, "The form of Buddhism, creation of daoism, and propriety of Confucianism [佛之形體仙之造化儒之凡節]," which is characteristically related to Daesoon Thought. This verse can only be found in the prophetic text, Prophecies of Chochang (蕉蒼訣), and it is provided a main source when alleging that Prophecies of Jeong Gam was an influence on Daesoon Thought. However, considering the context of Prophecies of Chochang and the year of its publication (it is assumed to be compiled after 1950s), this does not hold water as Jeungsan had already passed into Heaven several decades before that time. This disqualifies the verse from being a basis for asserting Prophecies of Jeong Gam as an influence on Daesoon Thought. Contrary to the original assertion, there is a considerable amount of evidence that Prophecies of Chochang absorbed aspects of Daesoon Thought, which were simply revised in a novel way. There is no truly compelling evidence underpinning the argument that Prophecies of Jeong Gam had a unilateral impact on Daesoon Thought. There seems to be a great deal of confusion and numerous misinterpretations on this matter. Therefore, the claim that Daesoon Thought, as developed by Jeungsan, was influenced by the discourse on dynastic revolution and feng shui contained in Prophecies of Jeong Gam should be re-examined at the level of its very premise.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.347-378
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• 2009

Those who were from Jaeincheon and Jaein line entertainers played great roles during transition period from traditional society to modern society, and even at present the dances of them are the representative traditional dances of Korea and the matrix of Korean originality. Nevertheless, Korea dance field has given little importance to these dances, but too much importance to Gibang dance in studying traditional dances, which causes the studies on Jaein line danced to be superficial or separate. Therefore, the aims of this article are to analyze the dances of Jaein line by Han Seong-jun, who was representative for the dances, and to appraise the historical value of them. Han Seong-jun(1874-1942) was the most influential dummer and dancer of his day in Japanese colonial times, and has been recognized as one of the masters of traditional dances. He established autonomy of traditional dances by reorganizing, collecting and stage-formalizing the dances, and systemized transmitting ways for various folk dances including a Buddhist dance, which made it possiblefor those dances to be traditional dances of Korea and the bases for creative dances. The values of Jaein line dances, which were transmitted through Han, are the following: First, the dances have been designated as national or regional intangible cultural assets, and, as the representative traditional arts, we proudly show them to the world. Second, the dances, as one of the genres of Korean dances, are the subjects of younger scholars' studies. Third, the dances become one of the representative examples of revivals of traditional dances, which tend to be extinct during modernization times, and contribute to establishing national identity and subjectivity. In addition, they contribute to discovering and transmitting other traditional dances. Fourth, the dances enable many dancers to make association, that is, Association for Preservation of Traditional Dances,for the transmitting the dances, and to distribute the dances and get many dancers to transmit the dances. Furthermore, as new performance repertories, they give another pleasure to the audience. In addition to the above, as a base for expansion of Korean creative dances, Han's dances have other values such as the following: First, in searching for a new methodology for creation, he played an important role in rediscovering the foundation in the tradition, and tried to discover nationalidentity by employing the traditional dances for expression of theme. Second, he contributed to drastically dissolving the genres by expanding the gesture language from motion factors of traditional dances, which can be compared to the modern dance. Third, he tried new challenging approaches to re-create the tradition, and contributed to pursuing the simple elements of our traditional dances as traditional aesthetics. While the dances of Jaein line have such values as the above, there are also some problems around the dances, such as the confusion in the process of transmission resulted from different transmission forms and transmitters, which we must no longer leave as it is. Furthermore, it is urgent that the rest of Jaein line dances be recovered and designated as intangible cultural assets for the sound transmission of the traditional dances.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.