• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.10
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• pp.30-39
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• 2018

This study was conducted with the aim of presenting a strategic implication for effective political campaign in the election situation which is held almost every year including the early presidential election. For this purpose, the $2{\times}2{\times}2$ triad experiment design of framing, involvement, political efficacy. The result shows that the main effect of framing and political efficacy was found, but the main effect of involvement was not shown. And also a result of two-way ANOVA, the interaction between framing and involvement was significant, but the interaction effect between framing and political efficacy was not significant. In addition, the three-way interaction effects of framing, involvement, and political efficacy were also significant. This study suggests that prospect theory is not often used to test the effects of political campaign messages and suggests new perspectives on political campaign strategies by introducing the prospect theory into election campaign message research.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-19
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• 2013

Studies on the SNS political participation have covered issues of SNS effect on political participation, electoral campaigns, and the public sphere. Such issues as characteristics of SNS political participation, the characteristics of SNS users, SNS effect on the political participation, active SNS political participants, and the impact on young people's political participation, etc. have been studied in the area of political participation effect. On the election issues, SNS impact on election turnout, voting behavior, and the election results were main research topics. Finally, the research on the public sphere mainly discussed topics of quality of SNS information and social fragmentation phenomenon. What is commonly observed across all the three subjects is that the conflicting claims appear to almost all the topics. These contradictory findings are likely to occur because variables of real politics are not fully taken into account and research variables are not strictly manipulated. We can get more accurate research results in the study of SNS political participation when we conduct cross-national research reflecting the context of real politics and also designing independent variables more in detail and elaborately.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.21-28
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• 2015

This study shows what the political distrust of three nations was preserved among US, Japan, and South Korea in 2008. According to the World Value Survey research, the political distrust of three nations was reached over 70% when on the basis of national people's consciousness in 2008. Especially in the case of South Korea, the percentage of extreme distrust was the highest compared to the other countries. The reason why South Korea could not manage the nation people's political voice to the government and National Assembly. So consequently political complaining behavior channel should be erected more in the political mechanism. And Korean political parties could not manage the social development and national consolidation. Moreover, attacted the negative effects to society. Political distrust is the worst obstacle in democracy that it will be needed the national consensus to amend it.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.201-208
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• 2014

The objective of the present study is to investigate the relationships among the perceptions of performance appraisal politics(POPAP)), employee's attitude to work, and team-based work system characteristics. Using survey data from various occupationally heterogeneous sample of white-collar employees(N=195) from various organizations, the results indicate that when employees perceive performance rating to be manipulated because of rater's personal bias and punishment motive, they reduce organizational commitment. Contrarily, the employees' POPAP with motivational motive increases organizational commitment. And task interdependency has positive effect on employees' POPAP.

• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 2022.10a
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• pp.16-21
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• 2022

사전학습 말뭉치는 위키백과 문서 뿐만 아니라 인터넷 커뮤니티의 텍스트 데이터를 포함한다. 이는 언어적 관념 및 사회적 편향된 정보를 포함하므로 사전학습된 언어 모델과 파인튜닝한 언어 모델은 편향성을 내포한다. 이에 따라 언어 모델의 중립성을 평가할 수 있는 지표의 필요성이 대두되었으나, 아직까지 언어 인공지능 모델의 정치적 중립성에 대해 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 척도는 존재하지 않는다. 본 연구에서는 언어 모델의 정치적 편향도를 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 지표를 제시하고 한국어 언어 모델에 대해 평가를 수행한다. 실험 결과, 위키피디아로 학습된 언어 모델이 가장 정치 중립적인 경향성을 나타내었고, 뉴스 댓글과 소셜 리뷰 데이터로 학습된 언어 모델의 경우 정치 보수적, 그리고 뉴스 기사를 기반으로 학습된 언어 모델에서 정치 진보적인 경향성을 나타냈다. 또한, 본 논문에서 제안하는 평가 방법의 안정성 검증은 각 언어 모델의 정치적 편향 평가 결과가 일관됨을 입증한다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.691-709
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• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.55-67
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• 2018

The organizational politics strengthened resistance to change. This study explores how the organizational political perception and fairness in split firms affect resistance to change. The analysis showed that the boss's and colleague's politics is minimized by its distributional fairness and procedural fairness. The organizational politics strengthened resistance to change. Additionally, mediating effects of fairness were analyzed. As a result, it was revealed that the perception of organized politics by bosses and that colleagues' perception of organizational politics affected resistance to change based on distributional fairness. However, it was shown that procedural fairness had no mediating roles between organizational politics and change resistance. There is a need to pay keen attention to distributional fairness to minimize the resistance to changes of organizational members at the split. If distributional fairness is not secure, Members will be a political behavior.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.49-54
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• 2015

This study carried out a survey targeting sample of 609 audience panel voters of 15 regions including Seoul during the campaign period of Korean presidential election on December 19, 2012. It was analyzed that how the attitude to the candidate, the support to the policy and the voters'variables affected the vote-getting in the engagement attributes. The analysis shows that high participation of the engagement attributes does not always mean that the political candidate is satisfactory at the political campaign. The fact that high engagement attribute does not always affect the other attributes is interpreted that engagement attributes do not have correlation at the political campaign. And the candidate should approach the voters more carefully as there are differences among the engagement attributes in the attitude to the candidate and the support to the policy. In the engagement attributes, voters show little difference according to gender, region, income and marriage but show much difference according to age and education level. So it will be a principal index in the future political campaign.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.421-441
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• 2003

This paper aims to examine the changes of Korean urban politics with regards to new urbanization under the trends of the globalization and regionalization in the 1990s. First, this study analyzes the various experiences of the developed countries, especially the United States of America, Great Britain and Germany in a view of urban development strategies since the 1970s, and secondly reviews and evaluates theoretical researches on the changing urban politics in the new urbanism. Finally this study suggests new approaches to explain the differentiating changes of urban politics and governance of Korean local and city states.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.289-310
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to examine how political interest, political ideologies, and information-searching goals influence the amount of information voters search, the ways in which people search for information about political candidates, and the type of information they select. The results showed that the participants under accuracy goal searched much more information and the participants under the high level of interest were not affected by conservative ideology, but the participants with the low level of interest were influenced by the liberal ideology and viewed substantially more information. And most of participants had the attribute-centered searching pattern. The social policies were accessed most, however, the information about party and personal background of a candidate were found least.