• Title/Summary/Keyword: 학자수

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The Research Status and Task of the Metalcrafts of Shoso-in Collection (정창원(正倉院) [쇼소인] 금속공예의 연구 현황과 과제)

  • Choi, Eungchon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.51 no.3
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    • pp.32-53
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    • 2018
  • The $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$(正倉院) is the detached storage building for Japanese treasures that belongs to $T{\bar{o}}dai-ji$ in Nara, Japan. The reason why $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections are drawing attention is that Japanese artifacts, sculptures, paintings, and other objects that were introduced through the Silk Road, such as Sasanian Persia and India, and those that were introduced from the Unified Silla and Tang China. In addition, hundreds of well-preserved documents of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections play an important role as a historical reference material covering not only the social situation of the time but also the history of exchange of cultural diplomacy and the change of Buddhist doctrine. In particular, some of collections of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ were made in China and may have been imported or received as gifts, but many of the artifacts made in Baekje and Unified Silla are becoming more and more important. This paper examined the research status of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ metal crafts of Korean and foreign scholars, and examined the association with the relics of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ through metal crafts excavated from the Korean Peninsula. The research on the future direction of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections should be summarized as follows. 1. Systematization of state-level support and single window for the research of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 2. Accurate listing and database of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 3. The positive implementation of joint research with Japan and invitation of researchers related to $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 4. The exchange exhibition between the Korean National Treasures and the $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 5. Expansion of the research base through the publication and support of books related to $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections.

Material composition and change of baekdong alloy in the late Joseon period (조선후기 백동의 재료 구성과 변화)

  • Kong, Sanghui
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.38-55
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of this study is to clarify the historical flow of baekdong alloy's usage according to the alloying materials mentioned in document records. For this purpose, we first overviewed the use of copper as a base material for white copper alloys and other types of copper alloys. Baekdong is an alloy of copper and other metals and is currently defined as an alloy of copper and nickel. However, depending on the research subjects and time of the scholars, baekdong may be defined as a metal with over a certain percentage of tin added to copper, or as an alloy of tin, zinc, and lead with copper. There is disagreement regarding the interpretation of this term. Baekdong, which started to appear in the literature of the Three Kingdoms Period, has been steadily seen through the Goryeo and Chosun Dynasties to the modern period. It has been used in various ways, according to each age and culture, from the symbol of the office to trading goods, daily life goods, and money. In the literature, baekdong's alloying material is not only copper and nickel, which are currently defined as alloys, but it is the same in that copper is used as the base metal of the alloy, although it varies slightly from generation to generation. In addition to copper, tin, zeolite, and emerald, zinc and lead also appeared. It was found that baekdong, which means alloy, and baekdong, which means white metal, were mixed. Nickel, which is the alloy material of baekdong as it is currently defined, is a metal with a relatively high discovery time and is widely used as a material for modern industrial fields. Nickel was introduced into Korea at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, but its use is not known in detail. In this study, we examined the acceptance and use of nickel-based baekdong in articles of modern newspapers and in statistical data. Based on the experience of craftsmen, we estimated the period when nickel-based alloys were used in crafts. Material is a direct factor in the development and deterioration of technology, and the development of technology is the basis for the changing of civilizations and cultures. In this context, this study was to investigate baekdong with the material of alloys as a starting point.

The Myth of Huang-ti(the Yellow Emperor) and the Construction of Chinese Nationhood in Late Qing(淸) ("나의 피 헌원(軒轅)에 바치리라" - 황제신화(黃帝神話)와 청말(淸末) '네이션(민족)' 구조의 확립 -)

  • Shen, Sung-chaio;Jo, U-Yeon
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.27
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    • pp.267-361
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    • 2008
  • This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

Quest for Yeoheon Jang Hyeon-gwang's View on Education - Deepening of the intrinsic nature in accordance with the Neo-Confucianistic thought (여헌(旅軒) 장현광(張顯光)의 교육관 탐구 - 성리학적 본질의 심화 -)

  • Shin, Chang-ho
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.33
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    • pp.31-56
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    • 2008
  • Jang Hyeon-gwang(張顯光, 1554-1637), whose pseudonym or courtesy name is 'Yeoheon(旅軒)', had made a thorough study on the intrinsic nature of Neo-Confucianism in a more sincere fashion, when comparing him with other Neo-Confucianists in Joseon period. Also he was a renowned scholar who expanded its philosophical system in-depth. Yeoheon thereby had strengthened his philosophical system accordant with the Great Learning(大學) and Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), which are the fundamental systems of Neo-Confucianistic education. Based on such considerations, Yeoheon's thought on education can be illuminated from three different perspectives. First, Yeoheon deepened his a theory of good governance by a virtuous ruler(聖人君主論, pronounced, 'Seongingunjuron') as the standard of education. Essentially, his theory pursues Refraining from desire, and preserving the laws of nature(存天理?人欲, pronounced, 'Joncheolliarinnyok'), and put emphasis on ethical awakening, and the governance through a virtue of moral excellence. Second, Yeoheon stressed the learning theories related to 'sincerity' or true heart(誠) and 'piety' or 'respect'(敬)) as the form of education(誠敬, pronounced, 'Seonggyeong'). Also he expounded that people needs "to establish a ground of Respect and Sincerity in their mind." He recognized the differences between the two virtues, meanwhile, however, he understood it as in an identical context. Third, Yeoheon advocated harmony between separation and integration(分合, pronounced, 'Bunhap') as a method for education. Through his unique 'Discourse on Longitude and Latitude', dubbed, 'Li-Gi Gyeongwiseol (理氣經緯說) in which the principle(Li, 理) is equal to the intrinsic energy or material force(Gi, 氣), he maintained his view on the Doctrine of the Mean, in that he was not inclined to either sides according to the logic of Change(易, pronounced 'Yeok'). When reviewing Yeoheon's contemplation in education in the meaning of modern education, he laid the standards for education on the establishment of morality, and he also provides us with an idea which induces us to look through the form and method for education from the perspective of Doctrine of the Mean. In short, Yeoheon's view on education embodies wisdom of traditional Neo-Confucianistic Education having consistency, and it provides for an implication of the review of the importance of the balance in relation to methodological bias toward confusion in the standards for modern education, and unsystematic contents therein.

The Problem of the Interpretation of the Fû Hexagram[復卦] based on Zhu Xi[朱熹]'s Theory of Psychology (주희(朱熹) 심성론(心性論)을 중심으로 본 복괘(復卦) 해석의 문제)

  • Kim, Kwang-Soo;Kim, Won-Myoung
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.52
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    • pp.281-310
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    • 2017
  • This paper is a reflective study of contemporary Korean scholars' claims that they criticize the explanation of Zhu Xi(朱熹, 1130-1200)'s psychology in which he explains that the 24th Hexagram of $F{\hat{u}}$[復卦] shows the state that the mind has not happened yet[未發]. Zhu Xi explains the 24th Hexagram of $F{\hat{u}}$[復卦] with the theory of no mind yet[未發說]. Several scholars in modern Korea, however, raise the question of whether "thoughtless[思慮未萌] but being not dark to perception[知覺不昧]" of the 24th Hexagram of $F{\hat{u}}$ is enough to explain the state of no mind yet. And they think that "thoughtless[思慮未萌]" is appropriate to explain the state in which the mind has not yet occurred, but it is not to "being not dark to perception". In this study, we would like to show that Zhu Xi's interpretation of the 24th Hexagram of $F{\hat{u}}$[復卦] fully explains the fact that "thoughtless[思慮未萌] but being not dark to perception[知覺不昧]" explain the theory of no mind yet[未發說]. Zhu Xi's 'the theory of no mind yet[未發說]' is divided into two periods, a period of 'old theory on $zh{\bar{o}}ngh{\acute{e}}$[中和舊說]' and a period of 'new theory on $zh{\bar{o}}ngh{\acute{e}}$[中和新說]'. He develops 'the theory of no mind yet[未發說]' on the basis of 'the theory that nature is body and mind is action[性體心用說]' during the period of old theory, and develops the theory[未發說] based on 'the theory that mind controls nature and feelings[心統性情說]' during the new theory. Between the two periods, the status of the mind changes from "the mind has already happened[已發]" to "through which the mind has not yet arisen and the mind has already risen[未發已發]". And its role also changes from 'what nature is happened' to 'presiding on nature and emotion.' This change affects the interpretation of the idea that the mind has not yet happened, that thoughts have not budged yet[思慮未萌], perception is not dark[知覺不昧].

A Study on the Significance of Park Se-dang's Composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo(南華經註解刪補) (박세당의 『남화경주해산보(南華經註解刪補)』 저술 의의 구명(究明) - 주자와 박세당의 장자 인식 비교를 통해서 -)

  • Jeon, Hyun-mi
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.42
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    • pp.71-103
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    • 2014
  • Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

The thought and spirit of Sunbi of Kwon Sang-Ha(1641-1721) (수암(遂庵) 권상하(權尙夏)의 춘추정신(春秋精神)과 도학사상(道學思想))

  • Kim, MoonJoon
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.23
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    • pp.155-180
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    • 2008
  • Suam(遂庵) Kwon Sang-Ha(權尙夏) was a very important character in the late Chosoen Dynasty. He was a representative of the academic circles(school of Uam) and political circles(Nolon; 老論) after Uam(尤庵) Song Si-Yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689). He represented learning and thought and undertaking of his academic circles and political circles, and handed down to his pupils. He thought his mission was "lighting the laws of heaven and aligning the human mind," "stopping the heretical study and repulsing uncivilization", to reform good virtues of humanity and justice. Kwon Sang-Ha was a successor of Song Si-Yeol, He succeeded learning and thought of his teacher and practiced "Upright"(直) and the Thought of ChunChu(春秋). He emphasized "Upright" as a fundamental principle, like his teacher. He thought ChuHsi(朱熹, 1130-1200) was the master who had inherited the spirit of Confucianism and Chosoen was the only country to successfully inherit this spirit of Confucianism. He declared any study counter to the study of ChuHsi as a rebellious pursuit. Therefore he rejected all other studies. He tried to "stop the heretical 'ism' and repulse uncivilization" and present this ideology as 'the Right way of Human Society(世道)'. He made efforts to reorganize books of ChuHsi to make perfect Book of righteousness with Song Si-Yeol. And he established Hwayang shrine, MandongMyo(萬東廟), Deabodan(大報壇) etc, in memory of fidelity and large rightness. Kwon Sang-Ha did these undertaking to establish 'Public morals and the Right way of Human Society(世道)' with self-confidence. In Dispute on the nature of man and animal(人物性同異論), he gives his approval to Han Won-Jin's opinion. Han Won-Jin's opinion was "the nature of man and animal is Different"(人物性異論). Whenever serious political accidents occurred, he took the lead to protect his teacher, Song Si-Yeol. The reason he did this was not because of his personal feelings for his teacher, but because of promoting 'Public morals(世道)' and 'Confucianism.' Kwon Sang-Ha regarded Mind control Law of "Upright" and the thought of ChunChu as his moralities, and was concerned about real politics and opposed social irregularities. Kwon Sang-Ha succeeded Song Si-Yeol's thought of "Upright" and volition of making an inroad on the Chung(淸), and gave to his political circles(Nolon; 老論) as a law of mind and mission.

A Study on Noju Oh Hui-sang's account of Nature and Principle(songli性理) - focusing on Horak Controversy in the early 19th century (노주(老洲) 오희상(吳熙常)의 성리설(性理說) 연구(硏究) - 19세기 전반기의 호락논쟁에 유의하여 -)

  • Park, Hak-rae
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.54
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    • pp.349-386
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    • 2014
  • Noju Oh Hui-sang(1763-1833) is one of the neo-Confucian scholars representing with Hong Chik-pil the Kiho-Nak School from the late 18th to the early 19th century. He did sincerely not only succeed theories of Kiho School originated from Yulgok, but also strengthened the main view of the Nak faction by clarifying the theoretical stance of it derived from Kim Chang-hyop. Not only he does suggest critical points of view against Ho faction in terms of Horak Controversy, but also criticizes heterodox account, which raised by an inner circle of Nak faction. In this vein, Oh established the neo-Confucian ways of realization of morality and ideal society by setting up his own points of view on mind and bright virtues that are followed by various issues of Horak Controversy. My paper will examine the values of Oh's account of Nature-Principle in the light of intellectual historical context by paying a special attention to his critical views of Ho faction. Oh's main idea is how to systematize practical foundation of realizing morality. Thus, he wants to theoretically explain both the practice of morality and the reality of pure moral mind in order to establish concrete practices of them in the real world. In doing so, he pays attention to mutual inclusive relationship between Principle and Matter(ki:氣). The mutual inclusive relationship between them can be exactly applied into the relationship between mind and Nature. So, the realityof moral principle explicitly implies the pure goodness of moral agency. Furthermore, his elucidation of logical relationship between mind and Nature and its values via the ontological understanding of them is to set up a system of cultivation, i.e., realizing practical foundation of pure moral mind. In conclusion, we can evaluate that Oh's account of Nature-Principle, at least, aims not only at establishment of moral agency and its reality in a theoretical dimension, but also at a guarantee of their realization in the world.

A new glimpse on the foundation of the Bronze Age concept in Korean archaeology (한국 고고학 성립 시기 청동기 연구에 대한 새로운 인식 - 윤무병(1924~2010)의 연구를 중심으로 -)

  • KANG, Inuk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.2
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    • pp.154-169
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    • 2021
  • The establishment of the Bronze Age is one of the most important achievements suggested by Korean archaeology shortly after liberation. There is no doubt that Moo-Byung Yoon is the representative figure, who refuted the ambiguous Eneolithic age (金石倂用期) created by Japanese scholars and settled the concept of the Bronze Age. In this article, the author takes a new look at Yoon's institutional role in studying the Bronze Age in Korea. Until now, Yoon's representative achievement has been his typology of the Slender dagger of the Korean Peninsula. However, it is not less important that Yoon also established the Bronze Age concept with the excavation of a dolmen and a Bronze Age subterranean dwelling in Oksok-ni, Paju during the 1960s. Of course, it was not a personal assignment for Yoon. He was aided by Prof. Kim Won-Yong's work, who had introduced newly excavated materials from North Korea and China; these materials gave some insight for establishing the Bronze Age concepts in the 1960 and 1970s. Kim's suggestion about the possibility of a Korean Bronze Age led to Yoon's refined typological study on Korea's bronze wares. However, Yoon's excessive schematic classification of artifacts and reliance on the Japanese chronology became an obstacle for making the Korean Bronze Age isolated from East Asia. As a result, it is regrettable that his research led to the "cultural lag" phenomenon of Bronze Age research. Meanwhile, Japanese archaeology, which had influenced Yoon, also faced a major change. In 2003, the Japanese archaeological community revised the Yayoi culture's beginning around the 1,000 BC. This means a shift in the perception that we should understand Japan's Bronze Age in the context of the East Asian continent. Of course, it is not appropriate to reevaluate or denigrate Yoon's research from the current view. Rather, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of Yoon's time and present a new path to research by combining the archaeological tradition of refining research on the relics he maintained with a new chronological view and a macro view of East Asian archaeology. This is why we should take a new glimpse into Yoon's research.

African Swine Fever Outbreak in North Korea and Cooperation between South and North Korea (북한지역에서 ASF발병 현황 및 남북수의협력에 관한 연구)

  • Cho, Chung Hui
    • Journal of Appropriate Technology
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.21-27
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    • 2020
  • The ASF, which originated in Africa and threatens the world, landed in Asia in 2018 in China, and became a stern threat to the security of the Korean Peninsula when North Korea officially reported the ASF to the OIE in May 2019. In 1921, Montgomery, a British veterinary pathologist, made headlines by naming the African swine fever "African Swine Fever," or ASF, a disease caused by a high fatality virus that existed in East Africa. The ASF, which was a pandemic of endemic diseases in Africa, landed in Portgal around 1957 and swept through farms in Lisbon, Portugal. The ASF continued to settle in Spain and Portugal, causing 40 years of damage until the end of the 1990s, and is now in progress after landing on the Italian island of Sardinia in 1978. The virus, which landed in Portiport of Georgia on the Black Sea coast of the Black Sea in 2007, spread to Russia and caused massive damage to China in 2018, then rapidly spread to Vietnam, Laos and Myanmar in May 2019 and spread across the country, causing massive damage to the pork industry and is now in progress. Just three months after confirming the outbreak in North Korea, the outbreak at farms in Paju and Yeoncheon was confirmed on Sept. 16, 2019, leaving South Korea with the stigma of ASF-causing countries, and although the ASF's nationwide expansion has been blocked, it is currently underway in wild boars. If the ongoing ASF in the two Koreas becomes indigenous, it would be a major disaster not only for the pork industry but also for the Korean Peninsula economy. Under the current circumstances, it is impossible to focus only on veterinary areas limited to South Korea, ruling out risk factors from the ASF outbreak. Currently, it is difficult to prevent damage to the pork industry due to the ASF outbreak due to the poor water defense reality in North Korea, and as it is adjacent to China, which has a high risk of developing various epidemic diseases, there is a need for the two Koreas to jointly conduct quarantine and quarantine on the border areas. First of all, I think rapid exchange of information and education on ASF and other diseases is necessary before establishing a joint defense system on the Korean Peninsula. It is important to conduct thorough quarantine and disinfection of ASF-generated areas in North Korea, and areas bordering China and Russia, and jointly conduct thorough quarantine and control of livestock and livestock products in circulation. Cooperation by the South and North Korean water defense industries to prevent the protracted ASF on the Korean Peninsula by all means and methods is essential.