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Comparison of CT based-CTV plan and CT based-ICRU38 plan in Brachytherapy Planning of Uterine Cervix Cancer (자궁경부암 강내조사 시 CT를 이용한 CTV에 근거한 치료계획과 ICRU 38에 근거한 치료계획의 비교)

  • Cho, Jung-Ken;Han, Tae-Jong
    • Journal of Radiation Protection and Research
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    • v.32 no.3
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    • pp.105-110
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    • 2007
  • Purpose : In spite of recent remarkable improvement of diagnostic imaging modalities such as CT, MRI, and PET and radiation therapy planing systems, ICR plan of uterine cervix cancer, based on recommendation of ICRU38(2D film-based) such as Point A, is still used widely. A 3-dimensional ICR plan based on CT image provides dose-volume histogram(DVH) information of the tumor and normal tissue. In this study, we compared tumor-dose, rectal-dose and bladder-dose through an analysis of DVH between CTV plan and ICRU38 plan based on CT image. Method and Material : We analyzed 11 patients with a cervix cancer who received the ICR of Ir-192 HDR. After 40Gy of external beam radiation therapy, ICR plan was established using PLATO(Nucletron) v.14.2 planing system. CT scan was done to all the patients using CT-simulator(Ultra Z, Philips). We contoured CTV, rectum and bladder on the CT image and established CTV plan which delivers the 100% dose to CTV and ICRU plan which delivers the 100% dose to the point A. Result : The volume$(average{\pm}SD)$ of CTV, rectum and bladder in all of 11 patients is $21.8{\pm}6.6cm^3,\;60.9{\pm}25.0cm^3,\;111.6{\pm}40.1cm^3$ respectively. The volume covered by 100% isodose curve is $126.7{\pm}18.9cm^3$ in ICRU plan and $98.2{\pm}74.5cm^3$ in CTV plan(p=0.0001), respectively. In (On) ICRU planning, $22.0cm^3$ of CTV volume was not covered by 100% isodose curve in one patient whose residual tumor size is greater than 4cm, while more than 100% dose was irradiated unnecessarily to the normal organ of $62.2{\pm}4.8cm^3$ other than the tumor in the remaining 10 patients with a residual tumor less than 4cm in size. Bladder dose recommended by ICRU 38 was $90.1{\pm}21.3%$ and $68.7{\pm}26.6%$ in ICRU plan and in CTV plan respectively(p=0.001) while rectal dose recommended by ICRU 38 was $86.4{\pm}18.3%$ and $76.9{\pm}15.6%$ in ICRU plan and in CTV plan, respectively(p=0.08). Bladder and rectum maximum dose was $137.2{\pm}50.1%,\;101.1{\pm}41.8%$ in ICRU plan and $107.6{\pm}47.9%,\;86.9{\pm}30.8%$ in CTV plan, respectively. Therefore, the radiation dose to normal organ was lower in CTV plan than in ICRU plan. But the normal tissue dose was remarkably higher than a recommended dose in CTV plan in one patient whose residual tumor size was greater than 4cm. The volume of rectum receiving more than 80% isodose (V80rec) was $1.8{\pm}2.4cm^3$ in ICRU plan and $0.7{\pm}1.0cm^3$ in CTV plan(p=0.02). The volume of bladder receiving more than 80% isodose(V80bla) was $12.2{\pm}8.9cm^3$ in ICRU plan and $3.5{\pm}4.1cm^3$ in CTV plan(p=0.005). According to these parameters, CTV plan could also save more normal tissue compared to ICRU38 plan. Conclusion : An unnecessary excessive radiation dose is irradiated to normal tissues within 100% isodose area in the traditional ICRU plan in case of a small size of cervix cancer, but if we use CTV plan based on CT image, the normal tissue dose could be reduced remarkably without a compromise of tumor dose. However, in a large tumor case, we need more research on an effective 3D-planing to reduce the normal tissue dose.

Study of the Actual Condition and Satisfaction of Volunteer Activity in Australian Hospital (호주 일 지역의 병원 자원봉사활동 실태와 만족도)

  • Park, Geum-Ja;Choi, Hae-Young
    • Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.17-29
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    • 2006
  • Purpose: This research aimed to investigate the actual condition and satisfaction of volunteer activity in Australian hospital. Methods: Data was collected by self reported questionnaire from 101 volunteers and analyzed by frequency and percentage, t-test, ANOVA and Sheffe and Pearson's correlation coefficients using SPSS 12.0. Results: 1. Years involved in volunteer work were $5{\sim}10$ years (32.7%), above 10 years (30.7%), $2{\sim}3$ years (11.9%) and $3{\sim}5$ years (10.9%). Types of volunteer work were physical care (32.7%), physical and emotional care (14.9%), and others (18.8%). Types of allocation of tasks were by volunteer coordination (55.7%), and by volunteer preference and consent between volunteer and coordinator (both respectively, 20.5%). Main reasons for volunteer work were to help sick people (61.4%) and to make good use of leisure time (22.8%). Routes to start volunteer work were from his (her) own inquiries (43.4%), from hearing from other volunteers (30.7%) and from mass media (13.1%). 80.2% of volunteers had received some kinds of training or preparation for volunteer work. Suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work were 'very well' (74.0%) and 'mostly well' (18.0%). Reimbursements or benefits received for volunteer work were token or lunch or group outing (31.7%), and token and lunch or group outing (19.8%). Evaluation frequency for volunteer work was occasionally (372%), frequently (30.9%), always (17.0%) and never (14.9%). Relationship with volunteer work coordinator was very good (85.0%). The relationship with other volunteers was very good (81.2%). The relationship with hospital staffs was very good (69.7%) and mostly good (21.2%). Family and friend's support for volunteer work was very good (83.2%). 2 The mean score of satisfaction for the hospital volunteer activity was $3.09{\pm}0.49\;(range:\;1{\sim}4)$. The highest score domain was 'social contact', $3.48{\pm}0.61$, and the lowest was 'social exchange', $1.65{\pm}0.63$. An item of the highest score was 'I have an opportunity to help other people' ($3.83{\pm}0.40$), and the lowest score item was 'I will receive compensation for volunteer work I have done ($1.10{\pm}0.78$).' 3. The satisfaction from hospital volunteer activity was shown by significant difference according to sex (t=2.038, P=0.044), marital status (F=3.806, P=0.013), years involved in volunteer work (F=3.326), nam reason to do volunteer work (F=2.707, P=0.035), receive any training or preparation for volunteer work (t=-1.982, 0=0.050), frequency of evaluation for volunteer work (F=7.877, P=0.000), suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work (t=2.712, P=0.049), relationship with volunteer work coordinators (F=-2.517, P=0.013), relation with hospital staffs (F=5.202, P=0.007), and support of their volunteer work by their family and friends (t=-3.394, P=0.001). Conclusion: The satisfaction of hospice volunteer activity was moderate. The satisfaction for hospice volunteer activity was shown by significant difference according to sex (t=2.038, P=0.044), marital status (F=3.806, P=0.013), years involved in volunteer work (F=3.326), main reason to do volunteer work (F=2.707, P=0.035), receive any training or preparation for volunteer work (t=-1.982, 0=0.050), frequency of evaluation for volunteer work (F=7.877, P=0.000), suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work (t=2.712, P=0.049), relationship with volunteer work coordinator (F=-2.517, P=0.013), relation with hospital staffs (F=5.202, P=0.007), and family and friend's support for volunteer work (t=-3.394, P=0.001). Therefore, it is necessary to consider various factors to improve the satisfaction of voluntary work.

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A Study on the Sasang Constitutional Distribution Among the People in the United States of America (북미지역주민(北美地域住民)의 사상체질(四象體質) 분포(分布)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Koh, Byung-hee;Kim, Seon-ho;Park, Byung-gwan;Lavelle, Jonathan D;Tecun, Marianne;Anthony Jr., Ross;Hobbs, Ron;Zolli, Frank;Chin, Kyung-hee
    • Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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    • v.11 no.2
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    • pp.119-150
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    • 1999
  • In spite of recent remarkable recent development in both western and oriental medical sciences, there is still only a shallow understanding of individual differences for various prognoses of incurable diseases and immunopathy diseases. Nevertheless, the care, cure and prevention methods of Sasang Constitutional Medicine are broadly used as an effective treatment of incurable diseases like immunopathy diseases and stress-related diseases and diseases due to aging. In this sense, the establishment of classification norms is urgent and essential for the worldwide application of Sasang Constitutional Medicine(SCM). This study began with the confirmation process of whether Sasang Constitutional types exist in Americans. To accomodate for cultural differences, the distinguishing tool was readjusted so that Sasang Constitutional Types in Americans could be determined. Hence, the selected tool is the new QSCCII+, which is a newly revised English version of the QSCCII. QSCCII was made and standardized by Dept. of SCM in Kyung Hee Medical Center and Dr. Kim7). The evaluation methods of the old version were improved in the new QSCCII+ through necessary statistical manipulation. The original QSCCII was officially authorized by the Korean Society of Sasang Constitutional Medicine as the only computerized version of Sasang diagnostics. This study is the first attempt to design a new diagnostic tool for the classification of Sasang Constitutional types in North Americans with the revision of QSCCII. The subjects of this study were selected from the cooperative people among the students and staffs of the University of Bridgeport and the patients who visited the Clinic in the Health Science Center. This study takes for about 1 year from 1998. 8 to 1999. 8 The conclusions of the study can be summarized as follows: 1. Sasang constitutional types also exist in Americans. It can also naturally be inferred that Sasang Constitutional types exist in all human beings, for there are many different human races in America. 2. There are more So-Yang In's than any other types in American white people. This result confirms the hypothesis that there also exist Sasang Constitutional types in westerners. 3. The result of repetitive tests suggests that the new QSCCII+ is an effective diagnostic tool for westerners when we consider the constant diagnostic results of the QSCCII+. 4. Sasang Constitutional types exit in the sample group regardless of racial difference. 5. The question items that were not often checked by Americans need to be modified into more understandable expressions. 6. The standardization of diagnosis for Americans should be established by use of the QSCCII+ 7. It can be guessed that there are many Tae-yang In's among the 71 persons who could not be clearly classified by the QSCCII+. Due to the scarcity of Tae-yang-In in general, it is important to improve upon the discernability of the QSCC II+. 8. The results of the Sasang Constitutional distribution in North Americans are as follows: The percentage of So-yang In distribution in the sample group is 36.25%(87persons), that of Tae-eum In is 13.75%(33persons), and that of So-eum In is 20.41%(49persons).

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Effects of Taeumin, Soeumin and Soyangin Prescriptions on the Adipocyte Induced by Gold Thioglucose in the Rat (태(太)·소음인(少陰人), 소양인(少陽人)의 처방(處方)이 Gold thioglucose로 유발(誘發)된 백서(白鼠)의 비만병(肥滿病)에 미치는 효과(效果))

  • Kim, Kyung-Yo
    • Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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    • v.8 no.1
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    • pp.295-317
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    • 1996
  • It is researched to elucidate the effects of Taeumjowuitang(TE,太陰調胃湯), Sibimikwanjungtang(SE, 十二味寬中湯) and Yangkeogsanwhatang(SY,凉膈散火湯) on the obesity induced by gold thioglucose and the differentiation and growth of preadipocyte 3T3-L1 in the mouse. The result were as follows: 1. TE,SE and SY extracts improved the blood level of transaminase in the obese mouse induced by gold thioglucose. 2. TE,SE and SY extracts inhibited the increase of liver fat and body fat in the obese mouse induced by gold thioglucose. 3. TE,SE and SY extracts inhibited the increase of body weight in the obese mouse induced by gold thioglucose. 4. TE,SE and SY extracts inhibited the growth of undifferentiate preadipocyte 3T3-L1. 5. TE,SE and SY extracts showed inhibitory effect on the differentiation of preadipocyte 3T3-L1. The above results suggest that the TE,SE and SY extracts may be used on the obesity induced by the overgrowth and differentiation of adipocyte, and the accumulation of fat in liver and body.

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GENERAL STRATIGRAPHY OF KOREA (한반도층서개요(韓半島層序槪要))

  • Chang, Ki Hong
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.8 no.2
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    • pp.73-87
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    • 1975
  • Regional unconformities have been used as boundaries of major stratigraphic units in Korea. The term "synthem" has already been propsed for formal unconformity-bounded stratigraphic units of maximum magnitude (ISSC, 1974). The unconformity-based classification of the strata in the cratonic area in Korea comprises in ascending order the Kyerim, $Sangw{\check{o}}n$, $Jos{\check{o}}n$, $Py{\check{o}}ngan$, Daedong, and $Ky{\check{o}}ngsang$ Synthems, and the Cenozoic Erathem. The unconformites separating them from each other are either orogenic or epeirogenic (and vertical tectonic). The sub-$Sangw{\check{o}}n$ unconformity is a non-conformity above the basement complex in Korea. The unconformities between the $Sangw{\check{o}}n$, $Jos{\check{o}}n$, and $Py{\check{o}}ngan$ Synthems are disconformities denoting late Precambrian and Paleozoic crustal quiescence in Korea. The unconformities between the $Py{\check{o}}ngan$, Daedong, and $Ky{\check{o}}ngsang$ Synthems are angular unconformities representing Mesozoic orogenies. The bounding unconformities of the $Ky{\check{o}}ngsang$ Synthem involve non-conformable parts overlying the Jurassic and late Cretaceous granitic rocks.

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Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order (무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주)

  • CHOI, Byung Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.