• Aerospace Industry
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• v.58
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• pp.60-63
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• 1997

일찍이 항공기는 물론 최신 무기분야와 우주개발에 있어서 미·소 양국이 패권을 다투는 각축전 사이에서 유럽은 그들의 자존심을 지키는 독자적인 개발을 계속해 왔다. 그런 의미에서 1980년대에 세계적으로 본격화 하기 시작한 전투기 개발에 있어 유럽 각국의 차세대 전투기 개발계획은 여러 가지 문제에 직면하면서도 꾸준한 노력을 계속해 미국이나 러시아에 뒤지지 않을만한 훌륭한 기종을 만들어 냈다. 그것이 오늘날 볼 수 있는 스웨덴의 그리펜, 프랑스의 라팔, 영국, 독일, 이탈리아, 스페인 공동의 유로파이터 2000등 세가지 기종은 유럽이 자랑하는 기종들이며 타의 추종을 불허하면서 세계 시장을 두고 러시아, 미국과 조용한 경쟁을 벌이고 있다. 이러한 유럽의 세가지 최신형 전투기의 최근 동향을 알아보기 위해 본고를 준비했다.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.89-99
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• 2018

In the year 2018, South Korea faces a crucial decision with regard to reunification. Starting from inter-Korean and US-North summits held from April through June, A rough journey for North Korea's "Complete, verifiable and irreversible dismantlement" began. Although South Korea insists that North Korea's Nuclear 'CVID' is the only minimum condition in the process of peaceful reunification, North Korea and other countries who support North Korea, including China and Russia, will possibly claim that North Korea's Nuclear 'CVID' will minimize their political and military positions internationally. Despite representatives from each country agreeing to North Korea's denuclearization, it is inevitable that many challenges still need to be resolved during the process. From the perspective of the Chinese government, North Korea is not a country that stimulates international conflicts. Instead, China can utilize North Korea as their political and tactical leverage against the US in order to compete for hegemonic power in Asia. In order to reject the emerging supremacy of China and resolve uncertainties in the denuclearization agreement and implementation process, I suggest the necessity of 'Korea-Japan Security Cooperation' as a 'second alternative' to achieve the North Korea's Nuclear 'CVID'.

• Maritime Security
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.73-102
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• 2024

The recent rise of China has the potential to intensify competition for hegemony between the U.S. and China. China is strengthening its influence in the region through maritime military actions represented by Anti-Access/Area Denial(A2/AD). The U.S. is establishing a new concept of operation to respond to China's A2/AD and achieve superiority in the U.S - China competition. In particular, this study focused on the U.S. Marine Corps' contribution to naval operations as a means of sea denial through Expeditionary Advanced Base Operation(EABO), which mainly centered on islands, and changes to strengthen its influence in the sea. By applying these changes in the U.S. Marine Corps to the ROK Marine Corps, the future direction of the ROK Marine Corps' offensive island area operations that can contribute to joint and naval operations was suggested. This study is meaningful in that it presents the ROK Marine Corps' offensive island area operations using the strategic value of the island from the perspective of sea denial. However, by presenting the direction of operational performance and military power construction / development conceptually, specific discussions of this aspect are needed in the future. I hope that this study will be the starting point.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.1-27
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• 2023

This study first reviews the evolving literature on industrial innovation policy and thereby identifies three main goals of such policy. The first goal is traditional industrial policy aiming growth of existing and future industries, the second goal is sustainable development and quality of life, and third goal encompasses the issues related to supply chain and economic security. Then, the paper evaluates industrial innovation policy goals of the five economies (United States, China, Germany, Japan, and Taiwan) in terms of the relative weights given to each goal by each economy, and derives implications for Korea. The United States emphasizes economic security and supply chain stability amid its rivalry with China. In contrast, China focuses more on traditional industrial policies but has recently begun to consider supply chain and economic security. Germany and Japan tend to give similar weights to each of the three goals. Taiwan follows this trend with a new and additional emphasis on economic security given the rising threats from China. For Korea, economic security may not be the top priority, unlike the two super-powers. Instead, it seems more appropriate for Korea to follow Germany or Japan to prioritize supply chain stability and technology sovereignty, and, at the same time, fostering future growth industries must be still an important goal. Further, the concept of economic security for Korea should include promotion of defense industry and food security.

• Strategy21
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• s.41
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• pp.108-152
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• 2017

This paper aims to analyze hegemonic competition and the role of naval power. To this end the paper is composed of four chapters titled introduction, the role of naval power in the hegemonic competition, the role of naval power in the East Asia, and the lessons and implications for the Korean Peninsula. Since the modern era, the hegemonic competition in the East Asian region has been the intrusion and struggle process between the world system and the East Asian regional system, and the ocean between these two systems has become the goal and means of supremacy(hegemony). Currently, the hegemonic competition between the US and China consists of systemic competition at the global level and marine competition at the regional level. When South Korea is forced to make strategic choices in the course of the US-China hegemonic competition, naval power will be the first factor to be considered. The ROK is asymmetrically maintaining a deep dependency relationship with the United States in terms of security and China in relation to the economy. And while the ROK's national economic power is acquired from the ocean, the ROK's military power is imbalanced because it is centered on the ground forces. These international relations and asymmetric-unbalanced resources distribution will not be able to effectively cope with the hegemonic competition between the US and China in the future, and will limit Korea's strategic choice. Since naval power and forces are the prerequisites for the hegemonic competition or the maintenance of supremacy we must construct balanced naval forces(naval power) that are not subordinate to the ground forces at the national strategic level for the future of the country.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.45
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• pp.107-127
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• 2015

The Chinese urge for the imperial power is a major threat to the today's peaceful international order. Such arrogant and delusional goal could be the very critical obstacle against the Korean security and national interests due to the geographical proximity. Today, the interesting dynamic of Uyghur nationalism, Uyghur terrorism, and the oppressive Chinese state terrorism could provide an meaningful prediction for the situation that the Korean nation may face in the future. In this regard, the present paper describes the interaction between Uyghur nationalism, Uyghur terrorism, and the Chinese state terrorism. The today's terrorism is a multi-dimensional security matter in that national independence, political and economic discrimination, non-state terrorism, and the hegemony competition among superpowers are intricately interrelated. Uyghur terrorism and related matter tend to show the nature of today's terrorism as a multi-dimensional security matter.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.149-173
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• 2020

While the United States and other Western states are in trouble with COVID-19 crisis, China is continuing its aggressive ocean expansion with its Gray-zone strategy. The Gray-zone strategy, which China uses around the South China Sea, refers to a strategy that promotes a change in international politics by creating an unclear state, neither war or peace. China, which is trying to expand its influence across East Asia, will also try to project a Gray zone strategy on the Korean Peninsula. The possible scenarios are as follows: 1) South Korea is accidentally involved in a dispute in the South China Sea, 2) Military conflicts between South Korea and China is caused by illegal fishing of Chinese boats in Yellow Sea, 3) China tries to interfere with Socotra Rock, 4) Unlikely, but possible in the future that China induce the military conflicts between Korea and Japan on the Dokdo issue. In order to cope with these scenarios, Korea should prepare the following measures from a long-term perspective: the creation of an Asian maritime safety fleet, the integ rated operation of the navy and the coast guard in the framework of the national fleet, and strengthening the conflict control system for China's provocations.

• Satellite Communications and Space Industry
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• v.5 no.2.3
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• pp.66-71
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• 1997

21세기의 문턱에 선 지금 세계 질서는 경제우선주의와 기술패권주의 속에서 국경 없는 무한경쟁시대로 급속히 재편되고 있으며, 정보화 또한 급속히 진전되고 있다. 이에 미국, EU 등 선진국은 정보통신분야의 기술적 우위를 바탕으로 기술개발을 강화하는 한편 다른 나라의 통신서비스 및 장비시장의 개방을 강력히 요구하고 있다. 선진국들의 강한 견제가 지속되고 있는 가운데 우리 경제는 불황이라는 커다란 어려움에 처해 있는 동시에 국내 정보통신시장은 내년을 기점으로 하여 완전히 개방하게 되어 대다수의 기업들이 커다란 혼란을 경험할 수 밖에 없을 것이다. 이처럼 커다란 위험에 처해 있는 우리경제가 이제부터 나아가야 할 방향은 어디인가? 현재의 상황을 타개하기 위한 방안을 다각도로 모색하여 보면 정보화와 정보산업분야에 관심을 갖지 않을 수 없다. 이러한 환경변화속에 우리 정부의 역할과 책임 또한 커져가고 있는 지금 정부의 정책시안과 동향에 대한 이해를 넓히고자 정보통신부 박성득 차관과 대담의 자리를 마련했다. 미래 정보화 사회에 대하여 힘주어 말씀하시는 열정과 모습에서 우리의 밝은 내일을 기대할 수 있었다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2024.05a
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• pp.513-516
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• 2024

미·중 기술 패권 경쟁이 심화되면서 경제안보는 국가안보의 핵심 요소로 부상하였다. 주요국들은 각국이 도입한 경제안보 개념에 따라 입법과 정책을 추진하고 있다. 그러나 우리나라에서 경제안보 개념은 아직까지 불분명한 상황이다. 이에 본 연구는 국내 뉴스 빅데이터를 통해 경제안보 관련 담론을 파악하여 한국식 경제안보 개념화를 위한 토대를 만드는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 빅카인즈를 통해 경제안보 관련 뉴스 기사를 수집하고 텍스트 마이닝을 활용하여 분석하였다. TF-IDF 분석과 LDA 토픽 모델링이 분석에 활용되었다. 그 결과 세 개의 주요 토픽이 도출되었고, 경제안보의 이중 구조를 확인할 수 있었다. 본 연구는 향후 한국식 경제안보를 개념화하고 그에 대한 전략을 마련하기 위한 기초자료로 활용할 수 있을 것으로 기대한다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.197-221
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• 2018

The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.