• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2016.01a
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• pp.239-240
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• 2016

본 연구는 학생들의 파티 장소 대관 사례를 중심으로 유연한 협상과 투쟁적 협상을 대비한 것이다. 논의 결과 세 업체 측은 학생들에게 투쟁적 협상 전술을 구사하였으며, 학생들이 투쟁적 협상전술로 맞대응할 경우는 협상에 실패하였다. 그러나 학생들이 유연한 협상 전략에 따른 투쟁적 협상 전술을 활용하여 협상한 경우에는 협상에 성공하였음을 알 수 있다.

• 월간 한농연
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• s.53
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• pp.6-8
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• 2006

한미 양국은 9월 6일(수)부터 9월 9일(토)까지 미국 시애틀에서 3차 본협상을 갖는다. 이에 앞서 의약품 분과 별도 협상을 21일부터 싱가포르에서 개최하였다. 1,2차 협상이 자국의 이익을 관철시키기 위한 탐색전의 성격이었다고 한다면, 3차 협상은 서로 물고 물리는 치열한 협상이 예상되는 가운데, 미국의 공세적 입장을 우리측이 어떤 식으로 맞받아칠지, 민감분야를 어떻게 보호해 나갈 지 귀추가 주목된다.

• KOREAN POULTRY JOURNAL
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• v.38 no.3 s.437
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• pp.68-72
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• 2006

지난 2월 3일 한미 FTA현상이 공식 선언되면서 축산업계에 미칠 파장에 대해 우려하는 목소리가 높아지고 있다. 이와 관련해 지난 2일 외교통상부 주최로 개최될 예정이었던 한미 FTA 공청회가 농민단체들의 반발로 무산되는 사태가 발생되면서 앞으로 한미 FTA협상이 결코 순탄치 않을 것으로 예견되고 있다. 한미 FTA 체결에 따른 득과 실을 저울질할 때 국내 농축산업과 영화산업이 많은 피해를 입을 것으로 예상되어 왔으며, 이미 영화계는 쿼터량 축소라는 사안이 쟁점화 되면서 장외투쟁이 연일 벌어지고 있다. 피해가 가장 클 것으로 예견되는 축산업계에서도 지난7일 한미 FTA 협상저지를 위한 범축산인 비상대책위원회를 정식 출범하고 한미 FTA 협정을 원칙적으로 저지한다는 입장을 내비치고 있어 앞으로의 행보에 귀추가 주목되고 있다.

• 농업기술회보
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• v.42 no.7 s.501
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• pp.34-37
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• 2005

쌀협상 비준동의안 상정 또 연기...언론 '경제의 짐' 우려/대법원, 우리 농산물 학교급식 지원 조례 위법판결 파문/APEC 미 대표 "한-미 포괄적 FTA체결해야"/'조류인플루엔자'대책 시급하다'/ '중국산 냉동고추' 변칙수입 차단하라/광주전남농민연대 투쟁 선포 기자회견문

• 월간 한농연
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• s.45
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• pp.28-32
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• 2005

11월 내내 미국 · 유럽연합(EU) 및 브라질 등 개발도상국들이 수 차례 협상을 진행해 왔지만, 뚜렷한 합의점을 찾지 못하여, 홍콩 각료회의에서는 완성된 형태의 세부원칙(모델리티) 마련은 어려울 것이라는 전망이 지배적이다. 그러나 펠코너 농업협상 의장과 라미 WTO 사무총장이 최근 발표한 세부원칙 초안은, 우리 농업에 매우 불리한 내용들이 상당수 반영되어 있는 것으로 평가된다. 이에 한농연은 12월 12일(월)총 170여명의 대규모 투쟁단을 파견하여, 전 세계의 농민단체들과 함께 홍콩 WTO 각료회의에 적극 대응해 나갈 방침이다. 이에 월간 한농연 12월호에서는 제6차 WTO 홍콩 각교회의의 준비 동향과 전망을 살펴본다. 특히 11월 19일 끝난 APEC 정상회의 결과가 DDA 농업협상에 미칠 직간접적인 파장을 따져보고, 펠코너 의장과 라미 사무총장이 발표한 세부원칙 초안의 내용을 살펴보도록 한다.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-45
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• 2017

The aim of this study is to analyze the process of the struggle and bargaining for the change of the employment position of the irregular (in-house subcontracted) workers being at work in the Hyundai Motor Company (HMC) plants into the status of the regular employee of the company, and evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement. Since the unionization of irregular workers in 2003, they have carried on the struggle against and the bargaining with the HMC, over the past 10 years and more, making claims for abolishing 'illegal temporary agency work' and for converting their positions into the regular ones. The HMC have gradually altered a confrontational stance against the workers' claim at the early stage, into the bargaining relationship with irregular workers' union. Eventually, the collective agreement on the 'special hiring' of about six thousands irregular workers by the HMC was reached in 2016. We attempt to analyze in depth the overall process by dividing three phases of the movement, according to the criteria of the relationship between the alliance and conflict system, and the cycle of protests of irregular workers. Furthermore, we try to trace the long and winding path of the movement, focusing on the cooperation/conflict relationship within the movement's alliance system, the confrontation/bargaining relationship between the movement and the conflict system, and the critical roles played by mediators (or third parties) between two systems. In the conclusion of the paper, we evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement upon the basis of the following points; the convergence of the workers' demands into the prime goal of 'becoming HMC's regular employee,' the breakaway of regular workers' union from the movement's alliance system, and a virtual extinction of irregular workers' union after the final labor-management agreement of 2016.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.7 no.9
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• pp.509-518
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the experience of recognition struggle, which is a positive interaction with Korean society, through the life history research of the researcher ' The study was conducted as a narrative - life history analysis method. Life history data were collected through in-depth interviews. As a result of the study, the lifetime of the life history research subject, as a result of the constant challenge, considered Korea as the opportunity land and voluntarily migrated to Korea. He can analyze Korea as a fierce life to gain recognition by utilizing positive adaptation strategies. In other words, through the positive interaction of recognition struggle, he negotiated with the mainstream society and established his identity through positive experiences. In addition, through group activities, we have endeavored to protect the rights of the individual as well as the whole society and to improve the image and to integrate with the mainstream society. Through this reconstruction of life history, we can understand the life situation of Chinese leaders and know about the qualities they want to receive in Korean society. Therefore, it is suggested that this reconstruction of life history implies social welfare practice.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.42
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• pp.251-276
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• 2015

The purpose of this article is to examine Israeli intelligence activity which had contributed to the building of Israel and of its national identity. In the late 19th, the Jews scattered around the world had shared the image of victims shaped in the history of the persecution. In this process, intelligence activity was a staple factor which established the state of Israel; political and religious community. Fighting against Arabs, Israel's intelligence agents had played key role in migrating Jews to Palestine and building their own state. In other words, Intelligence activity was the instrument of implementing political Zionism, Jewish nationalism. Even after independence in 1948, despite the opposition of Arab, Israeli intelligence agencies had persuaded the United States and the Soviet Union to recognize Israel as a member of the international society. Arab countries, nevertheless, had regarded Israel as 'a state to be disappeared', and its national identity was totally denied. However, Israel officially gained recognition for statehood through Arab-Israeli war and summit talks with Egypt. Israel finally restored the 'Promised Land' that is recorded in the Bible and established its identity of a winner. In conclusion, Israeli intelligence agency played a decisive role in founding the nation and even forming the consciousness of the people.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.310-325
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• 2012

Human being has used place names to differentiate one place from another. Place names are the products of collective human cognition in that a place name is chosen when it successfully represents the identity of a place. In addition, place names have been changed by the competition and struggle between social agencies and the political imperatives of hegemonic groups to impose their identity on the places. Recent geographic studies on place names have focused on the social and political processes behind the change of place names. In this vein, the purpose of this study is investigating the debates on the decision of city names in the process of the administrative reorganization in mid 1990s by the lens of political geography. Residents in cities and counties tried to justify their arguments by emphasizing historical backgrounds and popularity of their names. Additionally, economic power and potential were mobilized for the political resources to win over the battle over city names. The result, however, shows that the decision of newly consolidated cities' name was mainly made by the amount of political resources, such as population and number of seats in local assemblies. Several regions tried to use city names to negotiate with counterparts. In sum, the decision of place names is the product of political competitions, and the place name becomes the symbol of territorial identity. Place names have been in the center of disputes in local politics even after the name was decided, which suggest further studies on reasonable solution to mitigate the disputes to be expected when additional reorganization of administrative districts.