• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.102-121
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• 2021

Financial geography is an evolving subdiscipline in economic geography. This paper identifies and reviews three important 'waves' constitutive of the current state of financial geography: including the 'first' wave before 1990s when finance was regarded as a byproduct of the over-accumulation process in production sphere in the Marxist geographical political economy tradition; the 'second' wave in the mid-1990s during which financial geography was firmly established as a subdiscipline, influenced by the cultural turn and poststructuralist thoughts; and the most recent 'third' wave after the 2008~2009 global financial crisis that urged financial geographers to take power and politics more seriously and 're-politicize' with the analytical ideas of governmentality and financial subjectification from a neo-Foucauldian perspective. These waves have helped financial geography become a practice-oriented academic discourse, in which different philosophical thoughts, foci of analytical level and object, renditions of the subject, perceptions of power and politics, and geographies of finance and financialization coexist and also compete and contest one another.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.137-163
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• 2016

In the early 1900, photography, magic lantern and cinema were simultaneously introduced and experienced until the mid-1910s as mysterious and magical symbol of modern science and technology. The technology of vision, cinema in particular demonstrated its commercially expandable potentials through serial films in the mid-1910s, silent cinema in the 1920s and talkies in 1930s. I argue that a metaphor 'like a movie' which was would be spoken out by peoples as a cliche ever since the late 1910s whenever they encountered something uncanny, mysterious, and looking wholly new phenomena informs how cinematic technology worked in colonial society at the turning point to the early 20th century. Mass in colonial society accepted cinema and other visual technologies not only as an advanced science of the times but as texts of modernity that is the reason why cinema had so quickly taken cultural hegemony over the colony. Until the mid-1920s, discourse on cinema focused not on cinema itself, rather more on the theatre matters such as hygiene, facilities for public use, disturbance, quarrels and fights, theft, and etc. Since the mid-1920s and especially in wartime 1930s, discourses about negative influences and effects of cinema on behavior, mind and spirit of masses, bodily health, morality and crime were articulated and delivered by Japanese authorities and agencies like as police, newspapers and magazines, and collaborate Korean intellectuals. Theories and research reports stemming from disciplines of psychology, sociology, and mass-psychology that emphasized vulnerability and susceptibility of the crowd and mass consumers who would be exposed to visual images, spectacles and strong toxic stimulus in everyday lives. Those negative discourse on influences and effects of cinema was intimately associated with fear of the crowd and mass as well as new technology which does not allow clear understanding about how it works in future. The fact that cinema as a technology of vision could be used as an apparatus of ideology and propaganda stirred up doubts and pessimistic perspectives on cinema influence. Discourse on visual technology cinema constructed under colonial governance is doomed to be technology of mass control for empire's own sake.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.288-310
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• 2017

This paper aims to provide a conceptual framework to see the special zones in East Asia in relation to the territorialities of the state. For this, it will introduce Aihwa Ong's notion of 'spaces of exception', and provide some critical discussions on it. Unlike Ong, I do not see the spaces of exception as an outcome of neoliberal changes of the state. Instead, I propose to see the special zones in terms of the internal limitations of the modern state territoriality. In particular, I try to theorize the special zones in relation to the dialectics of the contradictory relations between mobility and fixity inherent in the territoriality of the modern nation state. In addition, it will be suggested to see special zones as an essential part of the spatiality of the East Asian developmental states, given the spatio-temporal contexts of the East Asian capitalist development. On the basis of these theoretical discussions, this paper will divide the special zones that have been developed in East Asia since the 1960s into 3 different types, including 1) developmentalist special zones, 2) neo-liberal special zones, and 3) special zones for transition, and discuss their characteristics.

• Journal of Korea Game Society
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• v.21 no.6
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• pp.125-134
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• 2021

This study examined the themes and methodologies of 89 game studies published in the fields of media studies, youth studies, and psychology. Youth studies and psychology have mainly covered the theme of game addiction and negative effects. Game research in media studies have covered game use and experience, effects, addiction, regulation, game production, game space, discourse, governmental mechanism, game play as labour, etc. Game research in the fields of youth studies and psychology have mainly relied on surveys and experimental design. Game research in media studies included survey, experimental design, in-depth interviews, participatory observation, data crawling, etc.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.15
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• pp.3-37
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• 2007

Until now, archives of colonial era preserved in each public institution including National Archives & Records Service can be called as the results of colonial chosun government general's records management activities. However, it is a fact that only the fragment of the archives from colonial era remained in public institutions without maintaining integrity of record. Therefore, it is virtually impossible to restore operations process of the era only with current records. It is somewhat because some records were institutionally abrogated by valuation selecting standard of colonial chosun government general, but it is more likely the result of systematic destruction of documents and records upon liberation. On the other hand, although records that were being preserved by colonial chosun government general's acquisition policy escaped the systematic abrogation, the scope and target of the historical records were changed according to acquisition policy. Historical records managed by each inquiry agency of colonial chosun government general were collected to be used for fundamental information of colonial rule or compilation of Chosun history. However, archives collected by colonial chosun government general could not escape partiality as a goal for colonial rule had priority over the standpoint for recording Korean society. Although records management system of colonial chosun government general was introduced from Japanese government's system, it clearly shows colonial characteristics in the process of collecting Chosun's historical records and its use.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.195-228
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to review the mobility-based textual research methods raised in Mobility and Foucault and apply them to textual analysis. This book contains seven articles applying Foucault's terms to mobility studies, giving intellectual stimulation to both studies. Since Foucault examined discipline power operated through the technology of distinguishing between rational/irrational and normal/abnormal, his works seem to a study of closed spaces like prisons. However, the authors of this book note that Foucault's works already had sufficient insight on mobility, and them actively incorporated it into mobility study. When we concentrate Foucault's works on mobility as a governmentality and a dispositif, the tension and dynamics between mobility and immobility are emphasized. And then it is possible to cross the simple dichotomy in mobility studies. This paper analyzes Kim Joong-hyuk's short story 1F/B1 by applying this method. This story describes a building manager who seems to be fixed in a building, but the mobility of him in the story goes through stereotypes and creates new spaces. Kim Hye-jin's short stories also represent mobility that cannot move and hesitates. These stories are important in that they show the mobility as a dispositif that constitutes the subject. When referring to the achievements of Mobility and Foucault, we read this narrative again by paying attention to the dynamics of mobility and immobility in the text. The significance of this paper is that it expands mobility-based textual research anew. While text analysis applying mobility study was usually focused on clearly mobile narratives such as travel statements and diaspora narratives, Mobility and Foucault drives new textual research by paying attention to the relationship between power and mobility, mobility and immobility dynamics. Therefore, this paper is significant in confirming the new meaning of the text revealed when paying attention to the representation of mobility in the narrative that no one seems to be mobile, and seeking to expand the mobility-based textual research method.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.53
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• pp.5-43
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• 2017

This article adapts the democratic approach to the National Archives System. We must now search for a new archival landscape. Authors are agreeing that democracy is a basic principle for the new national archives model. This research looks into the direction of reform of the national record organizations in terms of individuality, integrity, and professionalism. It is, the fact that there are discussions rising on the need to reform the national records organization in the recent perspective of democracy. Democracy is a system that takes responsibility of even the results. This article describes all the discussions on what the best model for national archives system could be. In this social regulation, the archives carry out a noble mission of accountability. The discussion that suggests a clear perspective of democracy must be taken in to notice. Authors try to represent the voices of records managers. They also argue that records managers are the common wealth for our society. The national archives system is now the signature for the moral identity of national ruling powers. We argue that the new archives model should be derived from the point of the Candle Revolution.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.132-164
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• 2015

The formation of knowledge of the people of Korean society is the social practices of collective subjectivity. Subjectivity is the truth of the self, which is incessantly created, questioned and modified in the milieu of self-reflection. In an attempt to examine the hermeneutics of the subject of Korean society, a conceptual framework is proposed, which, with the notion of life embedded, consists of a historical sequence of the popular, minjung, multitude, people and community. The period of 1960s saw the ambiguous mass of lifes floating, the individual with his/her own interior world of consciousness emerge. The ideological solidarity is formed in the the next two decades, in contestation with immediate and physical threatening such as poverty and dictatorship. The democratization of Korean society and the global expansion of neoliberal regime gave a re-birth of multitude and people which is characterized with their pursuit of the co-existence and co-realization of singularity and universality on the ethical principle of the open and communicative radicality.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.321-343
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• 2004

In principal, the original form of Eupchi landscape in Naepo reflects a traditional idea regarding direction as a connection with one's fortune and naturalization strategy of power. In reality, the weight for the landscape inside the castle town was distinct by locality according to the conditions of natural geographies and main function of the castle town. In other words, the traditional Eupchi landscape was shaped under the fixed principles but it was simultaneously reflecting the local temporality and spatiality. As Chosun Dynasty went under the Japanese colonization, Eupchi in the traditional period started to evolve into a modem city. That is to say, the traditional Eupchi as a political place became to change into the center of capital accumulation, stronghold of economy and education, and center of town beyond the function as a place for government and administration. Therefore, the process of change from the landscape of Eupchi to a modem city was a kind of revolution in the form and function, and it was also a very rapid rearrangement of social space. The disparate element of landscape and double social space worked as a vital inertial element in the urban structure of Naepo area until the post independence and evolution of landscape.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.93-135
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• 2017

Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.