• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.16 no.3 s.62
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• pp.85-92
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• 2007

Changing of paradigm at 21Century is changing a part of routine lives and it affects speculation system of recognizing the world. In this society, human is demanded changing of a part and new learning continuously. Like this, a role of individual and a part of various lives by changing of social environment have a close connection each other. In this society, they would need new circumstance of space by method of work. However, what show not necessity improving of work space but changing is the realities of our society. This thesis examine non-territorialization characteristics by focusing on the openness, composition, and flexibility. The working space on 21c head for a non-territorialization and be summarize. decenterial arrangement, increasing of public space and unification of personal work-station. The purpose of this study is to examine the non-territorialization by analysis of 21c working space.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.44-55
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• 2012

This study is to interpret how landscape aesthetic characteristics of moderation, which is the point of human-oriented neo-confucianism vision, are projected to the landscape organization of a Dodong-SeoWon, known for its overflow to neo-confucianism grounds and standards among domestic SeoWon. The aspects of neo-confucianism discussion in the shape of Dodong-SeoWon with the beauty of from and contents dominating the landscape of Dodong-SeoWon different from constructive completeness as 7 external and internal landscape organization including placement, circulation, setting, vista, fencing, naming, and decoration are as follows. The left direction of Dodong-SeoWon, part of external organization, is the result of landscape organization that emphasized the stage of moderation through the unification of man and nature by naturalizing natural direction to human-oriented directions. Important aspects to rule external orders and standards of Dodong-SeoWon are principles of one classes based on ranks and bilateral symmetry that is the unity of setting and circulation landscape organization from penetrating the spirit of moderation with no bias. By securing territoriality by fencing the unity of verticality and horizontality, the landscape organization to reach moderation is expressed. Meanwhile, Suwoloo(水月樓) perceived on the floor of central assembly hall, the formation of time frame from roof piles of Hwanjumun(喚主門) as well as pilars of Jungjeongdang(中正堂), and rime link method inducing visual balance and openness through segment, combination, and others are vista organization that show the ideality of unique neo-confucianism building. Also as part of landscape organization contents. semantically, building name including arrangement from Taegukdoseol, ideological naming following the name of Ssanggye-SeoWon, which is the former body, the name of the hall symbolizing the transfer of neo-confucianism enlightenment, impartiality with no bias, as well as Geoinjae(居仁齋) and Geoijae(居義齋) based on olympic, are also results of applying neo-confucianism standards. Additionally. the SeoHoe(瑞花) expressing the change of IleumIlyang(一陰一陽) on the stylobate of Jungjeongdang, Saeho(細虎) which goes up and down, as well as Simul made of four dragons, are artistic expression of the moderation that symbolizes the harmony of ying and yang with no exceeding or insufficiency. Humorous and unique rocks and stones evenly arranged in all spots of Dodong-SeoWon are to promote anti-strict organization by offsetting the image and external order of the lecture hall as strict as it is, and this is very ironic as it is the other landscape organization in different dimension as well as the expression of moderation.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.137-165
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• 1994

Structural adjustment of industry (or industrial restructuring) seems to be inherent in the process of capitalist economic development, which tends to be proceeded with shifts from one stage to another in order to overcome structural crises generated in each stage. The structural adjustment of industry is necessarily accompanied with regional restructuring, since it is not only projected on spece, but also mediated by space. Such a restructuring necessitates industrial and uneven regional devlopment through which capital can seek excessive profits over the rate of socio-spatial average. The industrial restructuring and uneven regional development in the 1980s in Korea can be seen as a process in which capital attempted with a strong support of the govenment to overcome the crises in the end of 1970s and hence to go on rapid economic growth. In this process, capital, especially monopoly capital concentrated into few conglomerates, pursued both extensive expansion and intensive development of industry simultaneously. In results, the Korean economy could eliminate some of peripheral characters and maturate the Fordist accumulation system. The extensive expansion of the Korean industry in the 1980s was stimulated mainly through the enlargement and adjustment of investment for equipment facilities which was planned to exclude or rationalize traditional light industries on some places, and to continue rapid growth of key heavy-chemical industries, especially of fabricated metal industry, on other places. In this process, keeping mainly the existing developmental axis which polarized the Seoul Metroplitan region and the Southeast region in Korea, the enhancing spatial mobiiity of capital and the further differentiating division of labour enforced a tendency of concentration of all types of industry in the Seoul Metropolitan region, and at the same time provoked the diffusion of some industries over Jeolla and Chungchong regions in a considerable extent. The intensive development of industriai structure in the 1980s was pursued through the strategic encouragement of subcontracting small firms mainly which produced assembling components, the technical enhancement and factory (semi-) automation, and the enrichment of service industries for estate management, finance, distribution and retailing which supported and complemented the production of goods. In this process, enabling capital to extend and elaborate its domination over space through the reorganization of regulating systems, the Fordist division of labour generated a socio-spatial hierarchy in the nation-wide scale that characterized: the Seoul Metropolitan region as an overmaturated (or overarching) Fordist region performing the conceptive functions of management, research and development, in which all types of industry (including service industries) tended to be reconcentrated; Kyungsang region as a maturated Fordist region with excutive branches of large conglomerates and with subcontracting firms around them which produced standardized products through the automized production processes in secialized Fordist industries or rationalized traditional industries; and Jeolla and Chungchong regions as newly devloping Fordist regions with newly migrated branches and some subcontracting small firms-in relatively older Fordist industries or partly rationalized traditional industries. From these analyses, it can be argued that the structural adjustment of the Korean industry in the 1980s, which had carried out both through the extensive expansion and the intensive deveiopment, strengthened further uneven regional development process, even though it appears to have reduced apparently the economic and regional disparity by balancing numerically large and small firms and by extending the Fordist industrial space nation-wideiy. And it seems more persuasive to see that the Korean industrial structure in the 1980s maturated the Fordist system of accumulation, but not yet transformed towards the post-Fordist (or the so-called flexible) accumulation system, even though the Korean economy in the 1990s seems to be under a pressure of restructuring towards the latter system.