• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.80-84
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• 2013

The EU in order to surpass the United States in the world economy have tried several aspects. Economic growth is possible through the technological competitiveness of this industry, and also through the development of industrial technology and employment. Such EU Commission has taken several support policies in order to raise the R & D capabilities. Non-EU member countries, Korea, R & D pipe central incisor see support for the policy proposal evaluation for women is important. The aim of this paper is to analyze the proposal evaluation process of the EU commission for R&D projects. I argue that the EU's methode of proposal evaluation for EU R&D consists of five stages: expert briefings, proposals for individual assessment, consensus and finally a panel evaluation. The main features of the EU's R&D evaluation process for proposals are experts and panel evaluation. The Korean government could select, operate and manage experts for the EU's R&D evaluation. That would lead to a higher rate of success for Korean proposals in the EU.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.25 no.11
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• pp.1676-1686
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• 2021

In this paper, we propose a general cross-chain solution based on the idea of modularity, abstraction, and layering, which decoupling the cross-chain function from the consensus algorithm and specific application logic, and utilize a Merkle proof to ensure the validity and legality of cross-chain operations. Since the underlying implementations of homogeneous and heterogeneous blockchains are different, we treat them separately. For homogeneous blockchains, we suggest a TCP-like cross-chain transport protocol (CCTP). While for heterogeneous blockchains, we present a method to construct the relay chain to realize the cross-chain function. The proposed scheme can enable the correct, effective, reliable, orderly, and timely transmission of cross-chain data. However, the essential difference between the operations within a single blockchain and the interoperability between different blockchains is that the trust domain is different. Cross-chain interoperation itself breaks the completeness of the blockchain, therefore, some efficiency and safety must sacrifice to trade-off.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.10
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• pp.18-25
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• 2015

After the Korean Wave with the industrialization of acting arts, scientific actors management has been demanded for the purpose of investment stabilization in related areas. This study was undertaken to develop a new convergence actors evaluation model applying inter-disciplinary research. The assessment factors were selected through literature reviews and the consensus of experts has been derived through Delphi Method. In conclusion, the evaluation criteria for the actors were drawn by 10 different factors. They are composed of qualitative factors such as the ability of acting and communication, degree of understanding of works and production system, actor philosophy and stability of the actors' self-management, physical condition and image, passion and enthusiasm for acting and works, and performance factors such as the stardom, fandom, philmography, audience share and ticket power, and network size and quality.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.5-37
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• 2020

In the 2000s, financial exclusion of low-income people emerged as a major social problem in South Korea. Microcredit business was first introduced by NGOs to help the poor overcome poverty while the Korean government soon chose to initiate microcredit policies to assist financially marginalized low-income people as a key policy measure to alleviate social inequality and revitalize economy. Unlike the initial expectation that state intervention in microcredit industry would be more effective, the outcome has been much less impressive. This paper aims to examine the poor performance of state-led microcredit in South Korea during the period of Lee Myung-bak administration by employing the concepts of state autonomy and capacity. It finds that the state autonomy, a key characteristic of a developmental state, was high in the sense that the funds had been raised in the face of strong resistance from private financial institutions. Lack of state capacity such as low technocratic expertise and politicization of microcredit policy, however, turned out to be a major stumbling block to the state-led microcredit in South Korea. This study shows that although the Korean government still has strong willingness to intervene in the financial market even in the face of interest groups' opposition, the eventual success of state action largely depends on its capacity to effectively implement financial policies.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.163-202
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• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.71-102
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• 2020

This study analyzes the effect of demographic changes on economic growth. We use the supply-side output identity to forecast the growth potential of the Korean economy. According to the results, even based on optimistic assumptions and prospects, the economic growth rate is likely to fall drastically starting in 2020. Of course, to maintain growth potential, efforts to increase productivity are necessary. However, given the historical experience of developed countries, it is not clear whether the huge trend of demographic change can be offset by efforts to increase productivity. In the so-called '30-50 club' countries, both labor productivity and growth rate tend to fall after reaching the per capita income of $30,000. The degree of decline in the growth rate is closely related to changes in the working age population and the prime-age workforce. The results are similar when tracking the path of changes in total factor productivities of the economy. When a certain level of income is reached, the increase in total factor productivity also tends to slow down. The ripple effects of rapid changes in demographics will indeed be extensive. The negative impact is likely to be concentrated at a time when the working age population, the prime-age workforce, and the total population shrink simultaneously. Above all, it is necessary to use the government's fiscal space to block the possibility of a rapid fall in the growth rate. In addition, it is important to continuously implement various reform tasks that should be promoted, such as improving the education system and strengthening the social safety net.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.59-85
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• 2021

This study focuses on the impact of China's system on the goals and strategies of public diplomacy for its actors and actions. In other words, China, which aims to assimilate the Western political values and systems, is special in setting the goals and strategies pursued through public diplomacy. Therefore, China often uses the historical and cultural agenda that it shares mainly in order to promote public diplomacy in the neighboring countries of Northeast Asia such as Taiwan and Korea, who have different systems. This phenomenon is an important key of explaining the vulnerability of China's public diplomacy in the face of political and security insecurity. Also, because of China's authoritarian politics and national-social relations, China can pursue efficient public diplomacy. On the other hand, however, such phenomenon provides an answer to why China's public diplomacy is not an effective buffer in the face of political and security conflicts with neighboring countries. Based on this framework, this study seeks to find answers to Why is China's public diplomacy not strong enough to ease political and security conflicts with neighboring countries?

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.223-258
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• 2022

The 2018 local elections completely upended the composition of Busan's city council, with the council membership changing from being solidly and consistently conservative to being over 80% liberal. What explains this anomalous outcome? While existing literature suggests the outcome of the 2018 city council elections was the consequence of a combination of structural and strategic factors, such as the decline of regional voting, we argue that the individual-level evaluation of President Moon Jae-in is one of the primary factors driving this result. Although coattails effects are commonly considered in concurrent national legislative elections, the Presidentialized and nationalized politics of Korea makes it possible for Presidential elections to affect local elections as well. We assess our explanation through an analysis of repeated cross-sectional survey data collected just before the 2018 local elections. The results of the analysis show that support for the Democratic Party is very strongly predicted by individual-level evaluation of President Moon. When considered in the context of the timing of presidential and local elections, the results suggest that Presidential coattail effects are capable of destabilizing established political patterns, such as regional voting, if perhaps only in a sporadic and idiosyncratic fashion, depending on whether or not local elections are held early on in a President's term.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.7-33
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• 2023

Extant literature has emphasized the role of citizen participation in creating a successful smart city. However, previous works are lacking in a systematic analysis of the specific mechanisms by which citizen participation makes a positive impact on smart city projects. We attempt to bridge the gap by focusing on the role of the living lab, a citizen-driven mechanism that has used innovative ideas, new technologies, and cooperation with various participants to address local problems. As co-creation is the common ground for smart cities and living labs in terms of citizen participation, we provide a theoretical framework in which the notion of co-creation mediates smart cities and living labs. To examine the living lab's effect of co-creation on smart cities, we conduct a comparative case study of two Northeast Asian cities: Taipei and Busan. We explore (1) the factors behind the different outcomes in these two cities, despite many similarities that might affect smart cities' effectiveness, and (2) the relationship between smart cities and living labs and how to systematically understand the interaction between the two. We find that living labs have played a key role in making Taipei's smart city projects effective and successful, which allows the city to keep showing a high level of performance. In contrast, citizens could not find channels to participate in such projects in Busan. We conclude that the living lab explains why the smart cities in Busan have been less successful than in Taipei.