• Journal of Studies in Bibliography
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• no.74
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• pp.261-310
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• 2018

This study attempted to introduce and analyze Baegcheonin-dalanigyeong(百千印陀羅尼經) which were recently confirmed among the golden manuscript in the Koryo Dynasty. The summary is as follows. (1) This is a book written in golden manuscript and it was manufactured by King Chunglyeol & Jegukdaejang-Princess in the 10th year of King Chongryeol's reign (1284). (2) This golden manuscript is written down on the blue paper(紺紙) with gold line border, has a scroll-form with a crystal axis on each end of it, and belongs to the part of the Scripture Tripitaka with the sign of "景". The text were formally written down in 17 letters in a line, however few 16 and 18 letters in one line were discovered. (3) The contents are consisted of following four scriptures in order; Baeg-cheon-in-dalanigyeong(百千印陀羅尼經), Gu-myeon-yeon-agwi-dalani-sinjugyeong (救面然餓鬼陁羅尼神呪經), Bul-seol- gam-lo-dalaniju (佛說甘露陁羅尼呪) 7 line and Jang-eom-wang-dalani-jugyeong (莊嚴王陁羅尼呪經), Hyang-wang-bosal-dalani-jugyeong (香王菩薩陁羅尼呪經). (4) There are unprecedented red signature and a stamp on the reverse side of the front page. The signature belongs to the King Chungryeol and it is the second name of him. The stamp shows 'Wonseongjeon(元成殿)' which is the Princess Jegukdaejang's original temple, and it could be the answer of the controversial debates about the original palace owner. (5) On the cover, there are a figure and floral pattern which seems to be made in the 13th century and the craftsman's name is '鄭(Zheng)[益迂(ig-u)]'. The figure's expression is similar to the other gold and silver manuscript version, but the postures and object hold in a hand are different. (6) Records of publications are similar to the other golden manuscripts, but showed some differences. In addition, the person who wrote this sutra is Choi jeong(崔楨), but the person is not confirmed in the historical data. Yet, it is presumed that he were in lower classes but had outstanding writing skills to be mobilized for the Scripture work. (7) The contents of '景' and four kinds of scriptures (including gamlosudalani(甘露水陁羅尼)) are included in the '景' of the 9th book sinjibjang-gyeong-eum-uisuhamlog (新集藏經音義隨函錄) and Bangsan-seoggyeong(房山石經). It is presumed that the narrative sequence of the scriptures corresponds to the order of The Khitan Tripitaka(契丹藏). In addition, these four types of scriptures are included in the "羔" of joseong-geumjang(趙成金藏), chojo Tripitaka(初雕大藏經), and jaejo Tripitaka(再雕大藏經) but the order of the scripture is recorded in reverse. In addition, this golden manuscript is a valuable data as it holds a lot of differentiator character and various sobriquet of Buddhist literature that can be utilized frequently in researches about Buddhist literature.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.83-107
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• 2015

Free Agent(FA) system allows a professional player to make a salary contract with the other clubs as well as the incumbent one after the player has played in one club for a fixed periods. Sometimes compared with the salary FA players performs very poorly, which leads to a debate about FA busts. We extend the model of Yang and Wang(2013) to the one with incomplete information about the productivity of the player to explain the possibility of FA busts. FA busts do not arise in the separating equilibrium where the private information is fully revealed. The FA busts do occur in the pooling equilibrium We show that the separating equilibrium does not exist. We also show that under some conditions, in particular with strong compensation rule, the unique pooling equilibrium exists.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.63-91
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• 2009

This study presents an investigation into the Sahyang process and activities of the individuals whose Sahyang(receiving Gwanhyang from the king) was confirmed in the Shilrok documents of early Chosun among naturalized citizens(Hyanghwains). In early Chosun, there were four Chinese(Oh Jin, Lee Min-do, Dang Seong, and Mae Woo) in the Sahyang cases with more of those cases found among Hoigol-in(Seol Jang-soo, an Uighur) and Oioa-guk nationality(Lee Hyeon) from the countries bordering on Western China and two Japanese(Pyeong Sun and Pi Sang-ui). They were naturalized from the reign of King Chungryeol of Goryeo to the first year of King Jeongjong's reign of Chosun. They were diverse to include the great grandfather, grandfather, and father of the individual that received Gwanhyang and himself. There were one case of Sahyang during the reign of King Taejo, four during the reign of King Taejong, one during the reign of King Sejong, and three during the reign of King Sejo. The Gwanhyang they received was wide spread across the nation including Gyerim, Imju, Haeju, Sangju, Milyang, Chungju, Changwon, Dongrae, and Taean. It's very likely that the place of Sahyang was Cheohyang. Many of those who received Gwanhyang were translators and achieved great feats in Chosun's diplomacy with Ming Dynasty and Japan. There were also those who worked in medicine, art of divination, and articles of a criminal code. Seol Jang-su, who passed the state exam of Chosun, was in charge of Jigonggeo, and Lee Min-do and Dang Seong made a contribution to the establishment of Chosun and became big or small meritorious retainers at the founding of Chosun. It's all thanks to those performances that they had the honor of Sahyang of receiving Gwanhyang. Although they were the Gwanhyang with the honor of Sahyang, there is no confirmation of the descendents of the Lee family of Imju, the Pyeong family of Changwon, and the Pi family of Dongrae. While the descendents of the naturalized Chinese still remain in the nation, those of naturalized Japanese ceased to exist, which must be closely related to Chosun's perceptions of other nations those days.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-21
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• 2003

In this paper the characteristics of the script centers golden and/or silver letter center in Koryo Dynasty and a set of seven rolls of the script written in silver letter on blue paper prayed by Yearn Seong-Ik were studied with focusing on the referred records and an epilog of the script. This script was discovered from Namgewon's stone stupa, when it was transported from original site of Daekam Dong, Kaiseong city to Kyungbok Palace in 1919. This script prayed by Yeom Seong-Ik which was written in silver paste on blue papers is a set of seven rolls, the size is 31.1 cm (length) ${\times}$ 27.2 cm (width). The cover painting and Beonsangwha(Buddha's preaching picture) were painted out and in the roll cover. This script was written with 14 letters on a line whose characteristic with the style of cover painting and Beonsangwha is similar to the golden and silver scripts prayed by kings of Koryo Dynasty. The person who prayed this script was a powerful vassal of the king Chungyeol period, Yeom Seong-Ik. According to Koryosa(Koryo History) and Koryosa jeolyo(summarized Koryo History), it is described that Yeom Seong-Ik offered his own house which was built by a group of strangers as a 'Writing Place for the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras and the place of the script of the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras. Therefore, it is possible to consider that this script a set of seven rolls of the script of Saddharma Pundarika-Sutra was written to pray for himself as well as his families' fortune at the place of golden script of the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras, and enshrined it in the Namgaewon stone stupa when the stupa was repaired in 9th year of king ChungYeol. Above all the most important point should be centered on that he offered his house as a writing place for golden script of the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras as recorded in Koryosa Jeolyo. The writing place for golden script of the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras should be emphasized on the meaning of its site. It is an important key point to clear that Kumjawon(Golden letter center) would be different from Kumjadejangso(the writing place of golden script for complete collection of Budihist Sutras) with Kumkyungsa(Goldm script place). As considereing the point that this script showed the characteristics of golden and/or silver scripts which prayed by king Chungyeol in Koryo Dynasty as they were, even though this script was manufactured by individual praying, this script follwed in the style of Kumjawon(golden letter center) and/or Unjawon(siIver letter center) as they were, because this script was written in the place of the golden script for the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras. In this paper all of the points described above with focusing on the referred records and an epilog of this script were collectively considered to make clear the characteristics of the script centers, golden and/or silver letter.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.