• Title/Summary/Keyword: 청대

Search Result 107, Processing Time 0.021 seconds

Education, Research and Medical treatment of the Qiantang Medical School(錢塘醫派) in the Ming(明) Qing(淸) Period (명(明).청대(淸代) '전당의파(錢塘醫派)'의 교(敎).연(硏).의(醫))

  • Lee, Min-Ho
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
    • /
    • v.17 no.3
    • /
    • pp.9-15
    • /
    • 2011
  • The Qiantang Medical School(錢塘醫派) formed on the basis of the education provided by L$\ddot{u}$shantang(侶山堂) in the specific area of Hangzhou(杭州) displays clear differences from other medical schools in that it combined medicine with educational and research activities. The Qiantang Medical School(錢塘醫派) played an important part in the history of the traditional Chinese medicine via providing the education through Confucian academies and the researches conducted to find appropriate treatment methods based on the climate and natural environment of the southern part of China. The tradition of joint researches on the classical works of Chinese medicine is equally important in terms of the traditional Chinese medicine.

A Study on the Actual cases of Medical Examination in the Qing Dynasty (청대 의과시험의 실제 사례에 대한 고찰)

  • Kug, Sooho
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
    • /
    • v.34 no.2
    • /
    • pp.79-87
    • /
    • 2021
  • The civil service examination system is an important part of the history of education in East Asia. In China, the civil service examination system lasted for almost 1,300 years. Through this, each dynasty was able to prevent the concentration of power to the hereditary nobles and to give competent talents an opportunity to rise to an important position in the state. In terms of medical education, in China, doctors have already been selected through tests since the Song Dynasty. However, the actual cases of medical tests currently remaining in each dynasty are very rare. This paper, firstly, examines the implementation method of the medical test during the Qing Dynasty and examines how it influenced the merit rating. and secondly, this paper examines the actual cases of the remaining Qing medical exam questions, in terms of content, related to the medical text "Uijonggeumgam (醫宗金鑑)" and was influenced by the style of the civil service examination at that time.

Study on the Chinese graphonomy's exchanges of Qing Dynasty and Joseon Dynasty (조선(朝鮮) 문인(文人)과 교류(交流)한 청조(淸朝) 학자(學者)들의 문자학(文字學) 연구(硏究)에 관한 소고(小考))

  • Suh, han yong
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
    • /
    • v.25
    • /
    • pp.529-548
    • /
    • 2011
  • Zu Wen-Zao(朱文藻), Li Tiao-Yuan(李調元), Hong Liang-Ji(洪亮吉), Peng Yuan-Rui(彭元瑞), Qian Dong-Huan(錢東垣), Sun Xing-Yan(孫星衍), Ruan Yuan(阮元), Chen Zhan(陳?), Wu Shi-Fen(嗚式芬), Feng Gui-Fen(馮桂芬), He Shao-Ji(何紹基), Fan Zu-Yin(潘祖蔭) made the contributions to the theoretical construction to the science of Chinese characters in their books "Shuwenxizhuankao(說文繫傳考異)", "Liushufenhao(六書分毫)", "Liushuzhuanzhulu(六書轉注錄)", "Xiqinggujian(西淸古鑒)", "Xiaoeryajiaozheng(小爾雅校證)", "Jiujingzhengsuzikao(九經正俗字考)", "Jiguzhaizhongdingyiqikuanshi(積古齋鐘鼎?器款識)", "Shuwenshengxi(說文聲繫)", "Shuwenjiuzizhengyi(說文解字正義)", "Jungulu(?古錄)", "Shuwenjiuzizhukaozheng (說文解字段注考正)", "Shuowenduanzhubozheng(說文段注駁正)", "Haidongjinshilu(海東金石錄)". They analyzed the rules behind character construction, and tried to find out the nature of Chinese characters, the relationship between Chinese characters, the evolutionary laws of Chinese characters, the characteristic of ancient Chinese characters etc.

The Existential Mode and Identity of the Qing Literati - Focusing on Zhang Xuecheng(章學誠) (청대 문인(文人)의 존재 방식과 정체성 - 장학성(章學誠)을 중심으로)

  • 최형섭
    • CHINESE LITERATURE
    • /
    • v.96
    • /
    • pp.145-175
    • /
    • 2018
  • This study was made with the purpose of reconsidering the way of existence of literati(文人), the meaning of writing, and the relationship between cultural power and political power, focusing on Zhang Xuecheng(章學誠, 1738-1801) in the middle of the Qing dynasty. Here, 'Wenren(文人)' was used as a concept equivalent to 'the literary intelligentsia', in other words, 'literati' of English rather than the concept of 'the literary man'. Firstly, Zhang Xuecheng was the person who had lived 64 years of life from Qianlong(乾隆) 3 to Jiaqing(嘉慶) 6, in particular, one of the representatives of the Chinese literati and scholar in the mid and late 18th century. He was born in a typical Gangnam gentry family from Kuaiji(會稽) in Zhejiang province. During adolescence he was grown and educated in hometown Shaoxing(紹興) and Yingcheng(應城) in Hubei province, but Beijing was the city that had the greatest influence on him. After he entered Guozijian(imperial capital academy) at the age of 25 in Qianlong 27(1762), he was mainly active in Beijing and had lived a life of wandering in Zhili(直隸), Henam, Anhui, Hubei province etc. He exchanged ideas with many literati and scholars who led the 18th century. He had many patrons Such as Shen Yefu(沈業富), Ou Yangjin(歐陽瑾), Zhu Fenyuan(朱棻元), Zhu Yun(朱筠), Liang Guozhi(梁國治), Bi Yuan(畢沅), Xie Qikun(謝啓崑) etc, who were prominent government officials and scholars of the time. In spite of passing imperial examinations and becoming the jinshi(進士), he gave up being a bureaucrat, and decided to live as a marginal literati out of office. With the help of his patrons, he solved economic problems mainly through non-regular workers such as tutor, the chief of the local academy, muliao(幕僚, provincial official's adviser) etc. Most of non-official literati in the middle of the Qing dynasty resolved their livelihood problems through irregular jobs like Zhang Xuecheng, while they kept maintaining their identity as intellectuals. Secondly, in intellectual discourses of the 18th century, the academic world was largely divided into moral philosophy(義理), philology(考據), literature(文章, or 詞章). The question of how to define and evaluate the value, relation and status of these three was different according to discussants. However, overall, literary texts were valuated as being less meaningful and worthy than the scholarly texts to deal with moral philosophy and philology. The writings of Zhang Xuecheng generally had the character of a scholar rather than of a literary man, and the meaning and value of his writings could be found in scholarly writings rather than in literary writings. As summarized in the words, "moral philosophy could be proved by philology, literature was the tool to express it," he established the scholarly identity he should seek through the way of integrating moral philosophy and philology centering on the historical writings. Thirdly, including Zhang Xuecheng, Quan Zuwang(全祖望), Yuan Mei(袁枚), Wang Mingcheng(王鳴盛), Zhao Yi(趙翼), Quan Daxin(錢大昕), Yao Nai(姚鼐) etc, represented the Chinese literati and scholars in the 18th century. Coincidentally, they all resigned early and left office, or gave up being official despite passing imperial examinations, and engaged in teaching and writing as marginal literati out of institutional power for a very long time. The backgrounds of their abandonment or early resignation were different, but the ambition and desire to leave the endless works for posterity could be said a common part. In addition, it was necessary to consider that it was a matter of choosing one of the two, in which the 18th century literati could hardly combine official and scholar because of specialized scholarships. It also seemed to be related to the situation that cultural power was becoming a part of the individual choice of Han Chinese literati, for the Manchu regime could not create the leading cultural power.

An Analysis on Types and Contents of Hanging Boards Inscribed with King's Writings in Donggwanwangmyo[East Shrine of King Guan Yu] (동관왕묘의 어제(御製) 현판(懸板)의 유형과 내용 분석)

  • Jang, Kyung-hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.49 no.3
    • /
    • pp.52-77
    • /
    • 2016
  • A spirit tablet of king Guan Yu is enshrined in Donggwanwangmyo shrine[East Shrine of King Guan Yu], which houses 51 hanging boards. The hanging boards were written by the kings of Joseon Dynasty and envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Most studies on hanging boards have been focused on the collections of the palaces but not on those in Donggwanwangmyo shrine. In this regard, this study researches the hanging boards of the kings' writings in the late Joseon period and analyzes their forms and contents. In terms of contents, it examines who made the boards, when they made them, and what brought them to make them, etc. This study analyzes the forms of hanging boards by types, used materials, and periodic transition of forms. The findings are as follows. First, Donggwanwangmyo shrine houses 7 pieces of hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwriting: one piece of King Sukjong, 4 pieces of King Yeongjo, and 2 pieces of Emperor Gojong. They are divided into two types: one is the name of the buildings and the other is the poems that the kings wrote regarding what they felt when they visited the shrine. Especially, the latter were written by the kings who visited the shrine in spring and autumn. The kings intended to promote peace of royal family through a sense of royalty and fidelity of King Guan Yu. Second, the hanging boards of the kings are differentiated from those of the envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in materials and forms. The background of the board is colored by blue, deep red lacquer color, and black lacquer color, which are more expensive than black color or white color. The hanging boards are embossed with the kings' handwritings and then colored with gold. The frame-style four-side hanging board is held at a 45-degree angle and painted with floral patterns and seven-treasure patterns in Dancheong technique. The left and right sides and the top and bottom sides of the board are decorated with Dang-cho pattern(Korean arabesque pattern). This style is called "quadrilateral"and considered the most classy and top-class among the other three ones. In conclusion, this study confirms the status of Donggwanwangmyo shrine with hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwritings as a political space where kings had interest and demanded their soldiers' royalty and fidelity. Research into the boards inscribed with the handwritings of envoys of the Ming Dynasty and generals of the Qing Dynasty, and the comparison of the styles and periodic transition of forms will be reserved for another study.

The Collection of Paintiongs and Calligraphy at Jipgyeong-dang Hall during King Gojong's Reign(1897~1907) (고종연간 집경당(緝敬當)의 운용과 궁중(宮中) 서화수장(書畵收藏))

  • Hwang, Jung-yon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.40
    • /
    • pp.207-241
    • /
    • 2007
  • This paper investigates the royal collection of paintings and calligraphy during King Gojong's (高宗) reign (1897~1907) based on the function of the Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂), situated at "sleeping realm (寢殿)," Gyeongbok Palace. Using the surviving palace records and art works this study argues that the date of building the hall is approximately confined to the year of 1890. Not being matched with the general opinion that the Jipgyeong-dang Hall was used for the official meeting with envoys, this hall functioned as the main place for royal audience and the storehouse for archives. The role of Gojong as collector and patron was essential not only to the maintenance of the collection but also to the strengthening of royal authority just before the Japanese annexation in 1910. The specific titles of the collection at this hall can be verified through the Catalogue of the Books, Paintings, and Calligraphy Exposed to the Sun at Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂曝曬書目) dating to the nineteenth century. The records of the catalogue inform us that more than 1,000 paintings and pieces of calligraphy, inkrubbings from old steles, manuals for painting, and encyclopedia concerning art theories from Korea, China, and Japan were preserved there. The collection of Jipgyeong-dang Hall resulted from Gojong's policy to foster the collection of contemporary Chinese and Japanese art works and various catalogues. Standing behind the Gyeongbok Palace, the Jibok-jae Hall (集玉齋) also preserved the diverse sources of practical learning, as did the Jipgyong-dang Hall for Gojong. The enormous royal collections by Gojong might have been constructed in accordance with the royal artistic taste and the artistic milieu of the late Joseon period. The surviving royal catalogues confirm this assumption as documentary evidence.

The study of Zhu-xi(朱熹) and Dai-zhen(戴震)'s filthy poetry interpretation - Centering around 15Guo-feng(國風) (주희(朱熹)와 대진(戴震)의 음시해석(淫詩解釋)에 관한 고찰(考察) - 15국풍(國風)을 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Sun-cheul
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
    • /
    • no.37
    • /
    • pp.249-278
    • /
    • 2009
  • Zhu-zi(朱子) represented the study of The Book of Odes in Song dynasty and Dai-zhen(戴震) was The Book of Odes researcher representing Wan-pai(a kind of party) in Qing dynasty. Especially Dai-zhen took critical position of Zhu-xi. Comparing Zhu-zi with Dai-zhen in the aspect of The Book of Odes interpretation, this thesis intends to review the difference and the reason of both interpretations. Especially this thesis compares Zhu-zi's interpretation with Dai-zhen's about thirty poems Zhu-zi considered filthy poetry, investigating the differences of their interpretation. Regarding the poetry Zhu-zi considered filthy as refined satire, Dai-zhen had a negative position about Zhu-zi's theory of filthy poetry. As Zhu-zi interpreted the poetry in the first person on the literary view in the time when he interpreted the lyrics in the Feng-shi, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as feeling of words. But as Dai-zhen interpreted the poetry in the third person under a Confucian classic view, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as refined satire. In brief, that is to say that Zhu-zi made literary interpretations of feeling of words but Dai-zhen made Confucian classic interpretations of 'Si-wu-xie'(思無邪). These two men's differences about interpretation of The Book of Odes have much importance on the historical aspects of The Book of Odes. So to speak, Dai-zhen had bibliographical approach and described the meaning of poetry objectively, following Mao-shi(毛詩) theory about the interpretation of meaning of poetry, criticizing Zhu-zi's literarary view. Dai-zhen's interpretation of The Book of Odes mentioned Above was made from long vital power of Mao-shi theory and a Confucian classic method. Considering the historical stream of Zhu-zi and Dai-zhen's interpreting The Book of Odes, The Book of Odes will be interpreted and analyzed from the various views in the future.

Changes in Composition of Gugija (Lycii Fructus) Species According to Harvest Time (수확시기에 따른 구기자 품종의 성분변화)

  • Lee, Hee-Chul;Lee, Bong-Chun;Kim, Su-Dong;Lee, Ka-Soon;Paik, Seung-Woo;Lee, Sox-Su;Kim, Seong-Min
    • Korean Journal of Medicinal Crop Science
    • /
    • v.16 no.5
    • /
    • pp.306-312
    • /
    • 2008
  • Total sugar, crude protein, crude lipid, ash, total polyphenol, extract and betaine contents of various Lycii fructus species (Cheongyang jaerae, Myungan, Bulro, Cheongdae, Jangmyung, Cheongwoon, Cheongyang NO.6, and Cheongyang NO.7) were investigated according to harvest time at intervals of one momth from mid August to mid November. In Cheongyang NO.6, average content of total sugar and extract were the highest, 28.91% and 62.31%, respectively. In Cheongyang NO.7, crude protein (3.24%), total polyphenol (2.13%), betaine(10.77 mg/g) were the highest and crude lipid (6.82%) was the higest in Cheongdae species, and ash (5.83%) was the highest in Cheongwoon species. At the most of the species (except Cheongyang jaerae, Myungan) crude protein, crude lipid, ash and betaine contents were increased, and total sugar, total polyphenol and extract contents were decreased according to harvest time was lated. Also, a relationship among the components of Lycii fructus was found out. ; excract contents (r = 0.81) were increased as total sugar contents were increased, while crude protein (r = -0.88), crude lipid (r = -0.82), ash contents (r = -0.81) were decreased as that And betaine contents (r = 0.90) were increased as total polyphenol contents were increased.

From Landscaping Techniques to Study the Feng Shui Geographical Thought in Chinese Garden (조경기법으로 본 중국원림의 풍수지리사상)

  • Yu, Wen-Dong;Kang, Tai-Ho
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.32 no.3
    • /
    • pp.130-138
    • /
    • 2014
  • This study aimed to grasp Feng Shui Geographical Thought appears in layout, Axial symmetry, hierarchical planning, spatial composition and hidden design techniques of Chinese Garden, that is "Xue effect", "Long-Sha effect" and "Shuikou effect", and to study on expression in Landscape Space. The Author selected the Chinese courtyard and the Nets Garden as the object to prove the Layout landscaping techniques; and selected Beijing in Ming and Qing Dynasties and the Forbidden City, A square design in Xuanwei as the object to prove the Axial Symmetrical and Hierarchical landscaping techniques, and also selected the Lingering G-arden and the Gentle Waves Pavilion, Humble Administrator's Garden in Suzhou, and Nanhu Park in Taian as the object to prove the Spatial Composition and Hidden design techniques. The methods of this article is combined Literature survey and Field survey with Case analysis to draw the conclusions as follows: First, "Xue effect" of Chinese Feng Shui Geographical Thought is suitable for the layout of Chinese courtyard and the Nets Garden in Suzhou; Second, "Long-Sha effect" is suitable for the urban planning of Beijing in Ming and Qing Dynasty, and the layout of the Forbidden City, by the city square design in Xuanwei, we can see that it is also suitable for Chinese modern landscape design; Third, "Shuikou effect" is appeared in the Spatial Composition and Hidden design techniques. All of these landscape design techniques are commonly used in China's modern landscape. It has been proved by the analysis of the Lingering Garden and the Gentle Waves Pavilion, Humble Administrator's Garden in Suzhou, and Nanhu Park in Taian.

Preliminary semi-quantitative evaluation of developed latent fingerprints on non-porous surface with natural powders using a densitometric image analysis (비 다공성 표면에서 천연분말로 현출된 잠재지문의 농도계 이미지분석을 이용한 예비적인 반 정량적 평가)

  • Kim, Eun-Mi;Heo, Bo-Reum;Ok, Yun-Seok;Kim, Jin-Kyung;Joung, In-Nam;Choi, Sung-Woon
    • Analytical Science and Technology
    • /
    • v.29 no.6
    • /
    • pp.283-292
    • /
    • 2016
  • Conventional fingerprint powders used during crime scene investigations pose potential health hazards. Thus, multiple natural replacement powders, including squid ink powder, indigo and rice powder were used to develop (visualize) latent fingerprints on non-porous surfaces (e.g., glass, plastic and tile). Fingerprints developed using the natural powders were compared using the Automatic Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS) with those developed with traditional black powder. The peak areas of ridges were also compared using densitometric image analyses. Collectively, objective and quantitative evaluation methods were developed. The effectiveness of natural powders varied depending on the surface but, in general, squid ink powder performed well on most surfaces. Indigo powder performed well on tile surfaces, while rice powder performed well on glass surfaces. Plastic was the most difficult surface from which to develop fingerprints. Image analysis using Field Emission Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM) demonstrated the importance of the size and shape of natural powder particles to properly adhere to the ridges. Although densitometric image analyses did not correlate the number of minutiae and ridge peak areas, an unbiased, objective evaluation method would be possible using image analyses with a reference image. Additional experimentation will yield safe and cost-effective natural powders with which adequate fingerprint development can be performed.