• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.149-161
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• 2014

The export of domestic public services to overseas markets contains many potential obstacles, stemming from different export procedures, the target services, and socio-economic environments. In order to alleviate these problems, the business incubation platform as an open business ecosystem can be a powerful instrument to support the decisions taken by participants and stakeholders. In this paper, we propose an ontology model and its implementation processes for the business incubation platform with an open and pervasive architecture to support public service exports. For the conceptual model of platform ontology, export case studies are used for requirements analysis. The conceptual model shows the basic structure, with vocabulary and its meaning, the relationship between ontologies, and key attributes. For the implementation and test of the ontology model, the logical structure is edited using Prot$\acute{e}$g$\acute{e}$ editor. The core engine of the business incubation platform is the simulator module, where the various contexts of export businesses should be captured, defined, and shared with other modules through ontologies. It is well-known that an ontology, with which concepts and their relationships are represented using a shared vocabulary, is an efficient and effective tool for organizing meta-information to develop structural frameworks in a particular domain. The proposed model consists of five ontologies derived from a requirements survey of major stakeholders and their operational scenarios: service, requirements, environment, enterprise, and county. The service ontology contains several components that can find and categorize public services through a case analysis of the public service export. Key attributes of the service ontology are composed of categories including objective, requirements, activity, and service. The objective category, which has sub-attributes including operational body (organization) and user, acts as a reference to search and classify public services. The requirements category relates to the functional needs at a particular phase of system (service) design or operation. Sub-attributes of requirements are user, application, platform, architecture, and social overhead. The activity category represents business processes during the operation and maintenance phase. The activity category also has sub-attributes including facility, software, and project unit. The service category, with sub-attributes such as target, time, and place, acts as a reference to sort and classify the public services. The requirements ontology is derived from the basic and common components of public services and target countries. The key attributes of the requirements ontology are business, technology, and constraints. Business requirements represent the needs of processes and activities for public service export; technology represents the technological requirements for the operation of public services; and constraints represent the business law, regulations, or cultural characteristics of the target country. The environment ontology is derived from case studies of target countries for public service operation. Key attributes of the environment ontology are user, requirements, and activity. A user includes stakeholders in public services, from citizens to operators and managers; the requirements attribute represents the managerial and physical needs during operation; the activity attribute represents business processes in detail. The enterprise ontology is introduced from a previous study, and its attributes are activity, organization, strategy, marketing, and time. The country ontology is derived from the demographic and geopolitical analysis of the target country, and its key attributes are economy, social infrastructure, law, regulation, customs, population, location, and development strategies. The priority list for target services for a certain country and/or the priority list for target countries for a certain public services are generated by a matching algorithm. These lists are used as input seeds to simulate the consortium partners, and government's policies and programs. In the simulation, the environmental differences between Korea and the target country can be customized through a gap analysis and work-flow optimization process. When the process gap between Korea and the target country is too large for a single corporation to cover, a consortium is considered an alternative choice, and various alternatives are derived from the capability index of enterprises. For financial packages, a mix of various foreign aid funds can be simulated during this stage. It is expected that the proposed ontology model and the business incubation platform can be used by various participants in the public service export market. It could be especially beneficial to small and medium businesses that have relatively fewer resources and experience with public service export. We also expect that the open and pervasive service architecture in a digital business ecosystem will help stakeholders find new opportunities through information sharing and collaboration on business processes.

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.20 no.4 s.112
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• pp.39-49
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• 1981

기존 간호 영역 내 간호는 질적으로, 양적으로 급격히 팽창 확대되어 가고 있다. 많은 나라에서 건강관리체계가 부적절하게 분배되어 있으며 따라서 많은 사람들이 적절한 건강관리를 제공받지 못하고 있어 수준 높은 양질의 건강관리를 전체적으로 확대시키는 것이 시급하다. 혹 건강관리의 혜택을 받는다고 해도 이들 역시 보다 더 양질의 인간적인 간호를 요하고 있는 실정이다. 간호는 또한 간호영역 자체 내에서도 급격히 확대되어가고 있다. 예를들면, 미국같은 선진국가의 건강간호사(Nurse practitioner)는 간호전문직의 새로운 직종으로 건강관리체계에서 독자적인 실무자로 그 두각을 나타내고 있다. 의사의 심한 부족난으로 고심하는 발전도상에 있는 나라들에서는 간호원들에게 전통적인 간호기능 뿐 아니라 건강관리체계에서 보다 많은 역할을 수행하도록 기대하며 일선지방의 건강센터(Health center) 직종에 많은 간호원을 투입하고 있다. 가령 우리 한국정부에서 최근에 시도한 무의촌지역에서 졸업간호원들이 건강관리를 제공할 수 있도록 한 법적 조치는 이러한 구체적인 예라고 할 수 있다. 기존 간호영역내외의 이런 급격한 변화는 Melvin Toffler가 말한 대로 ''미래의 충격''을 초래하게 되었다. 따라서 이러한 역동적인 변화는 간호전문직에 대하여 몇가지 질문을 던져준다. 첫째, 미래사회에서 간호영역의 특성은 무엇인가? 둘째, 이러한 새로운 영역에서 요구되는 간호원을 길러내기 위해 간호교육자는 어떤 역할을 수행해야 하는가? 셋째 내일의 간호원을 양성하는 간호교육자를 준비시키기 위한 실질적이면서도 현실적인 전략은 무엇인가 등이다. 1. 미래사회에서 간호영역의 특성은 무엇인가? 미래의 간호원은 다음에 열거하는 여러가지 요인으로 인하여 지금까지의 것과는 판이한 환경에서 일하게 될 것이다. 1) 건강관리를 제공하는 과정에서 컴퓨터화되고 자동화된 기계 및 기구 등 새로운 기술을 많이 사용할 것이다. 2) 1차건강관리가 대부분 간호원에 의해 제공될 것이다. 3) 내일의 건강관리는 소비자 주축의 것이 될 것이다. 4) 간호영역내에 많은 새로운 전문분야들이 생길 것이다. 5) 미래의 건강관리체계는 사회적인 변화와 이의 요구에 더 민감한 반응을 하게 될 것이다. 6) 건강관리체계의 강조점이 의료진료에서 건강관리로 바뀔 것이다. 7) 건강관리체계에서의 간호원의 역할은 의료적인 진단과 치료계획의 기능에서 크게 탈피하여 병원내외에서 보다 더 독특한 실무형태로 발전될 것이다. 이러한 변화와 더불어 미래 간호영역에서 보다 효과적인 간호를 수행하기 위해 미래 간호원들은 지금까지의 간호원보다 더 광범위하고 깊은 교육과 훈련을 받아야 한다. 보다 발전된 기술환경에서 전인적인 접근을 하기위해 신체과학이나 의학뿐 아니라 행동과학 $\cdot$ 경영과학 등에 이르기까지 다양한 훈련을 받아야 할 필요가 있다. 또한 행동양상면에서 전문직인 답게 보다 진취적이고 표현적이며 자동적이고 응용과학적인 역할을 수행하도록 훈련을 받아야 한다. 그리하여 간호원은 효과적인 의사결정자$\cdot$문제해결자$\cdot$능숙한 실무자일 뿐 아니라 소비자의 건강요구를 예리하게 관찰하고 이 요구에 효과적인 존재를 발전시켜 나가는 연구자가 되어야 한다. 2. 미래의 간호교육자는 어떤 역할을 수행해야 하는가? 간호교육은 전문직으로서의 실무를 제공하기 위한 기초석이다. 이는 간호교육자야말로 미래사회에서 국민의 건강요구를 충족시키기는 능력있는 간호원을 공급하는 일에 전무해야 함을 시사해준다. 그러면 이러한 일을 달성하기 위해 간호교육자는 무엇을 해야 하는가? 우선 간호교육자는 두가지 측면에서 이 일을 수정해야 된다고 본다. 그 하나는 간호교육기관에서의 측면이고 다른 하나는 간호교육자 개인적인 측면엣서이다. 우선 간호교육기관에서 간호교육자는 1) 미래사회에서 요구되는 간호원을 교육시키기 위한 프로그램을 제공해야 한다. 2) 효과적인 교과과정의 발전과 수정보완을 계속적으로 진행시켜야 한다. 3) 잘된 교과과정에 따라 적절한 훈련을 철저히 시켜야 한다. 4) 간호교육자 자신이 미래의 예측된 현상을 오늘의 교육과정에 포함시킬 수 있는 자신감과 창의력을 가지고 모델이 되어야 한다. 5) 연구 및 학생들의 학습에 영향을 미치는 중요한 의사결정에 학생들을 참여시키도록 해야한다. 간호교육자 개인적인 측면에서는 교육자 자신들이 능력있고 신빙성있으며 간호의 이론$\cdot$실무$\cdot$연구면에 걸친 권위와 자동성$\cdot$독창성, 그리고 인간을 진정으로 이해하려는 자질을 갖추도록 계속 노력해야 한다. 3. 미래의 간호원을 양성하는 능력있는 간호교육자를 준비시키기 위한 실질적이면서도 현실적인 전략은 무엇인가? 내일의 도전을 충족시킬 수 있는 능력있는 간호교육자를 준비시키기 위한 실질적이고 현실적인 전략을 논함에 있어 우리나라의 실정을 참조하겠다. 전문직 간호교육자를 준비하는데 세가지 방법을 통해 할 수 있다고 생각한다. 첫째는 간호원 훈련수준을 전문직 실무를 수행할 수 있는 단계로 면허를 높이는 것이고, 둘째는 훈련수준을 더 향상시키기 위하여 학사 및 석사간호교육과정을 발전시키고 확대하는 것이며, 셋째는 현존하는 간호교육 프로그램의 질을 높이는 것이다. 첫째와 둘째방법은 정부의 관할이 직접 개입되는 방법이기 때문에 여기서는 생략하고 현존하는 교과과정을 발전시키고 그 질을 향상시키는 것에 대해서만 언급하고자 한다. 미래의 여러가지 도전에 부응할 수 있는 교육자를 준비시키는 교육과정의 발전을 두가지 면에서 추진시킬 수 있다고 본다. 첫째는 국제간의 교류를 통하여 idea 및 경험을 나눔으로서 교육과정의 질을 높일 수 있다. 서로 다른 나라의 간호교육자들이 정기적으로 모여 생각과 경험을 교환하고 연구하므로서 보다 체계적이고 효과적인 발전체인(chain)이 형성되는 것이다. ICN같은 국제적인 조직에 의해 이러한 모임을 시도하는 것인 가치있는 기회라고 생각한다. 국가간 또는 국제적인 간호교육자 훈련을 위한 교육과정의 교환은 한 나라안에서 그 idea를 확산시키는데 효과적인 영향을 미칠 수 있다. 충분한 간호교육전문가를 갖춘 간호교육기관이 새로운 교육과정을 개발하여 그렇지 못한 기관과의 연차적인 conference를 가지므로 확산시킬 수도 있으며 이런 방법은 경제적인 면에서도 효과적일 뿐만 아니라 그 나라 그 문화상황에 적합한 교과과정 개발에도 효과적일 수 있다. 간호교육자를 준비시키는 둘째전략은 현존간호교육자들이 간호이론과 실무$\cdot$연구를 통합하고 발전시키는데 있어서 당면하는 여러가지 요인-전인적인 간호에 적절한 과목을 이수하지 못하고 임상실무경험의 부족등-을 보충하는 방법이다. 이런 실제적인 문제를 잠정적으로 해결하기 위하여 1) 몇몇 대학에서 방학중에 계속교육 프로그램을 개발하여 현직 간호교육자들에게 필요하고 적절한 과목을 이수하도록 한다. 따라서 임상실무교육도 이때 실시할 수 있다. 2) 대학원과정 간호교육프로그램의 입학자의 자격에 2$\~$3년의 실무경험을 포함시키도록 한다. 결론적으로 교수와 학생간의 진정한 동반자관계는 자격을 구비한 능력있는 교수의 실천적인 모델을 통하여서 가능하게 이루어 질수 있다고 믿는 바이다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.33-67
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• 2021

This paper aims at revealing the core concept of Injon (Human Nobility). The concept of Injon is one of the salient fundamental ideas which makes Daesoon Jinrihoe recognizable as Daesoon Jinrihoe. The concept of Injon has the basic meaning of 'human nobility,' but within the context wherein the nobility of humankind is considered to be greater than the nobility of Heaven and Earth. Although the religious and ideological interpretations of Injon (human nobility) that have developed over time have been quite diverse and abundant, these interpretations are all limited in that they generally assume the relationship between 'Heaven and Earth' and 'Humanity' to be antagonistic. However, if human nobility is relativized in that manner, it can reduce the potential broader meanings of mutual beneficence and the earthly paradise of the later world. These interpretations are grounded in the view of semiotic interpretation. Such interpretations have composed their view point via the semiotic meaning of the words. The semiotic point of view suggests that meanings of words consist in the relation of the word and the object to which it denotes. We will introduce a new view point which can be termed the transcendental view point. This view focuses on how the exact interpretation of words and sentences depends on the comprehension of the triad of systematic relations among the word, object, and speaker. In the Daesoon Thought, the Former World is considered to be the world wherein all creations unfolded according to the principle of mutual contention. This led to the accumulation of grievances and grudges which condensed and filled the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. The Former World was dominated by Western material civilization, selfishness, and exclusivism. It was also a world where humans suffered from various natural disasters such as floods, droughts, plagues, and wildfires. The Former World lost the constant Dao and was overwhelmed with all kinds of disasters and calamities. That world fell into various kinds of wretchedness. The causes which made the Former World so cruel came from humans misunderstanding their relation to nature and life in general; including human life. The anthropocentric modern cosmology insisted that the human race was the only one to have the powers and rights to exercise dominion over nature. On the other hand, there is the Later World, which means the ideal and perfect, immanent eternal world for all humankind in Daesoon Thought. This world consists of life, peace, and equality and is also characterized by three typical attributes: goodness, peace, and all kinds of life. All living beings previously struggled for survival, but in the Later World, those lifeforms will embrace each other; even across different realms. In Daesoon Thought, the world and cosmos contain diverse forms of life, and human have both an earthly life and life in the after world should they die before the Later World. There are also the lives of divine beings and animals, and other such living entities. Daesoon Thought subsumes pan-vitalism, which allows they acknowledgement of myriad possible lifeforms. The concept of the Later World in Daesoon Thought, which mainly revealed in The Canonical Scripture and the words of Sangje (Kang Jeungsan), suggests that all kinds of life, including humans, animals, and even spirits in the afterworld, can live together in a perfect coming earthly paradise which is immanent. The concept of Injon can be interpreted though the view of transcendental pragmatics as an alternative to the typical views discussed in Daesoon Thought. Thinkers should attempt to improve current discourse on Injon in Daesoon Thought by focusing on the point that all kinds the original teachings demonstrate a value of all lifeforms. Therein, Injon would indicate not only the human nobility and dignity but also the nobility and dignity of divine beings, divine humans, and all other forms of life that have existed across time. The dimension of time allows for recognition of lifeforms from the Former World, the afterworld, and the Later World. This revised appraisal of Injon could further accommodate denizens of the afterworld, animals, ghosts and spirits, the earth and cloud souls of humans, and other lifeforms held to exist in the cosmology of Daesoon Thought.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.153-199
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• 2020

The teachings of Sangje teachings have been spread to humanity and were provided as basis for building the earthly paradise due to His having performed the Reordering Works of the Universe (Cheonjigongsa) for nine years. The work that remains will be completed year by year following the cosmic program that Sangje set for the universe. The chapters titled 'Gyoun (Progress of the Order)' in Jeon-gyeong (The Canonical Scripture) can be summarized into three parts: Viewing Gyoun, Spreading Gyoun, and Establishing the firm ground of Gyoun. Viewing Gyoun is seeing how the teachings would be transmitted from the beginning to end. The work of Gyoun was established by Sangje and promoted as the teachings of Sangje which will ultimately unfold into the realization of an earthly paradise. Spreading Gyoun is performed by disciples who received the teachings from Sangje and then the successor to whom Sangje transmitted the religious authority. Since chapter two of Gyoun is about the hagiography of Doju Jo Jeongsan, it is shown that Doju unfolded and developed Sangje's teachings. Establishing the firm ground of Gyoun is carried out to enable practitioners to understand that Dotong-gunja ('Dao-Empowered Sages,' Earthly Immortals) will be produced as a result of Sangje's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth and that humans can perfect themselves through cultivating the Dao. In conclusion, Gyoun can be summarized as a process that started during Doju Jo Jeongsan's 50 years (1909~1958) of holy works and spreading of the teachings. Next, it was continued through the time of Dojeon who was bestowed with religious authority through Doju's last words. Dojeon, like Doju before him, spread the teachings. In later times, there will be Dotong-gunjas who transmit Sangje's teachings to the whole world. Although the above characterizations are accurate, I compared some verses from Chapter 1 of Progress of the Order (Gyoun) in The Canonical Scripture (Jeon-gyeong) of Daesoon Jinrihoe to the 6 th edition (1965) of Daesoon Jeongyeong, a key scripture from the earliest strata of Jeungsanist scriptures, and found that there were a few earlier variations of the same content. The use of words and sentences were different though in several of these verses. Also, some of the verses indicated alternative historical dates (years), and some of the verses from Chapter 1 of Progress of the Order from The Canonical Scripture do not appear anywhere in the 6^th edition of Daesoon Jeong-gyeong.

• Atmosphere
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.275-295
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• 2023

In Korea, there are four institutions related to atmospheric science: the university's atmospheric science-related department, the Korea Meteorological Administration (KMA), the ROK Air Force Weather Group, and the Meteorological Industry Association. These four institutions have developed while maintaining a deep cooperative relationship with the Korea Meteorological Society (KMS) for the past 60 years. At the university, 6,986 bachelors, 1,595 masters, and 505 doctors, who are experts in meteorology and climate, have been accredited by 2022 at 7 universities related to atmospheric science. The KMA is carrying out national meteorological tasks to protect people's lives and property and foster the meteorological industry. The ROK Air Force Weather Group is in charge of military meteorological work, and is building an artificial intelligence and space weather support system through cooperation with universities, the KMA, and the KMS. Although the Meteorological Industry Association has a short history, its members, sales, and the number of employees are steadily increasing. The KMS greatly contributed to raising the national meteorological service to the level of advanced countries by supporting the development of universities, the KMA, the Air Force Meteorological Agency, and the Meteorological Industry Association.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.175-191
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• 2011

With the MICE(Meeting, Incentive travel, Convention, Exhibition) industry coming into the spotlight, there has been a growing interest in the domestic exhibition industry. Accordingly, in Korea, various studies of the industry are being conducted to enhance exhibition performance as in the United States or Europe. Some studies are focusing particularly on analyzing visiting patterns of exhibition visitors using intelligent information technology in consideration of the variations in effects of watching exhibitions according to the exhibitory environment or technique, thereby understanding visitors and, furthermore, drawing the correlations between exhibiting businesses and improving exhibition performance. However, previous studies related to booth recommendation systems only discussed the accuracy of recommendation in the aspect of a system rather than determining changes in visitors' behavior or perception by recommendation. A booth recommendation system enables visitors to visit unplanned exhibition booths by recommending visitors suitable ones based on information about visitors' visits. Meanwhile, some visitors may be satisfied with their unplanned visits, while others may consider the recommending process to be cumbersome or obstructive to their free observation. In the latter case, the exhibition is likely to produce worse results compared to when visitors are allowed to freely observe the exhibition. Thus, in order to apply a booth recommendation system to exhibition halls, the factors affecting the performance of the system should be generally examined, and the effects of the system on visitors' unplanned visiting behavior should be carefully studied. As such, this study aims to determine the factors that affect the performance of a booth recommendation system by reviewing theories and literature and to examine the effects of visitors' perceived performance of the system on their satisfaction of unplanned behavior and intention to reuse the system. Toward this end, the unplanned behavior theory was adopted as the theoretical framework. Unplanned behavior can be defined as "behavior that is done by consumers without any prearranged plan". Thus far, consumers' unplanned behavior has been studied in various fields. The field of marketing, in particular, has focused on unplanned purchasing among various types of unplanned behavior, which has been often confused with impulsive purchasing. Nevertheless, the two are different from each other; while impulsive purchasing means strong, continuous urges to purchase things, unplanned purchasing is behavior with purchasing decisions that are made inside a store, not before going into one. In other words, all impulsive purchases are unplanned, but not all unplanned purchases are impulsive. Then why do consumers engage in unplanned behavior? Regarding this question, many scholars have made many suggestions, but there has been a consensus that it is because consumers have enough flexibility to change their plans in the middle instead of developing plans thoroughly. In other words, if unplanned behavior costs much, it will be difficult for consumers to change their prearranged plans. In the case of the exhibition hall examined in this study, visitors learn the programs of the hall and plan which booth to visit in advance. This is because it is practically impossible for visitors to visit all of the various booths that an exhibition operates due to their limited time. Therefore, if the booth recommendation system proposed in this study recommends visitors booths that they may like, they can change their plans and visit the recommended booths. Such visiting behavior can be regarded similarly to consumers' visit to a store or tourists' unplanned behavior in a tourist spot and can be understand in the same context as the recent increase in tourism consumers' unplanned behavior influenced by information devices. Thus, the following research model was established. This research model uses visitors' perceived performance of a booth recommendation system as the parameter, and the factors affecting the performance include trust in the system, exhibition visitors' knowledge levels, expected personalization of the system, and the system's threat to freedom. In addition, the causal relation between visitors' satisfaction of their perceived performance of the system and unplanned behavior and their intention to reuse the system was determined. While doing so, trust in the booth recommendation system consisted of 2nd order factors such as competence, benevolence, and integrity, while the other factors consisted of 1st order factors. In order to verify this model, a booth recommendation system was developed to be tested in 2011 DMC Culture Open, and 101 visitors were empirically studied and analyzed. The results are as follows. First, visitors' trust was the most important factor in the booth recommendation system, and the visitors who used the system perceived its performance as a success based on their trust. Second, visitors' knowledge levels also had significant effects on the performance of the system, which indicates that the performance of a recommendation system requires an advance understanding. In other words, visitors with higher levels of understanding of the exhibition hall learned better the usefulness of the booth recommendation system. Third, expected personalization did not have significant effects, which is a different result from previous studies' results. This is presumably because the booth recommendation system used in this study did not provide enough personalized services. Fourth, the recommendation information provided by the booth recommendation system was not considered to threaten or restrict one's freedom, which means it is valuable in terms of usefulness. Lastly, high performance of the booth recommendation system led to visitors' high satisfaction levels of unplanned behavior and intention to reuse the system. To sum up, in order to analyze the effects of a booth recommendation system on visitors' unplanned visits to a booth, empirical data were examined based on the unplanned behavior theory and, accordingly, useful suggestions for the establishment and design of future booth recommendation systems were made. In the future, further examination should be conducted through elaborate survey questions and survey objects.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• Journal of Information Management
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• v.6 no.5
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• pp.131-134
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• 1973

본고(本稿)시리이즈의 제1보(第一報)에서 우리는 물리(物理), 사회과학(社會科學) 및 공학분야(工學分野)의 12,442명(名)의 과학자(科學者)와 기술자(技術者)에 대한 정보교환활동(情報交換活動)의 78례(例)에 있어서 일반과정(一般過程)과 몇 가지 결과(結果)를 기술(記述)한 바 있다. 4년반(年半) 이상(以上)의 기간(其間)($1966{\sim}1971$)에서 수행(遂行)된 이 연구(硏究)는 현재(現在)의 과학지식(科學知識)의 집성체(集成體)로 과학자(科學者)들이 연구(硏究)를 시작(始作)한 때부터 기록상(記錄上)으로 연구결과(硏究結果)가 취합(聚合)될 때까지 각종(各種) 정형(定形), 비정형(非定形) 매체(媒體)를 통한 유통정보(流通情報)의 전파(傳播)와 동화(同化)에 대한 포괄적(包括的)인 도식(圖式)으로 표시(表示)할 수 있도록 설정(設定)하고 또 시행(施行)되었다. 2보(二報), 3보(三報), 4보(四報)에서는 데이터 뱅크에 수집(蒐集) 및 축적(蓄積)된 데이터의 일반적(一般的)인 기술(記述)을 적시(摘示)하였다. (1) 과학(科學)과 기술(技術)의 정보유통(情報流通)에 있어서 국가적(國家的) 회합(會合)의 역할(役割)(Garvey; 4보(報)) 국가적(國家的) 회합(會合)은 투고(投稿)와 이로 인한 잡지중(雜誌中) 게재간(揭載間)의 상대적(相對的)인 오랜 기간(期間)동안 이러한 연구(硏究)가 공개매체(公開媒體)로 인하여 일시적(一時的)이나마 게재여부(揭載如否)의 불명료성(不明瞭性)을 초래(招來)하기 전(前)에 과학연구(科學硏究)의 초기전파(初期傳播)를 위하여 먼저 행한 주요(主要) 사례(事例)와 마지막의 비정형매체(非定形媒體)의 양자(兩者)를 항상 조직화(組織化)하여 주는 전체적(全體的)인 유통과정(流通過程)에 있어서 명확(明確)하고도 중요(重要)한 기능(機能)을 갖는다는 것을 알 수 있었다. (2) 잡지(雜誌)에 게재(揭載)된 정보(情報)의 생산(生産)과 관련(關聯)되는 정보(情報)의 전파과정(傳播過程)(Garvey; 1보(報)). 이 연구(硏究)를 위해서 우리는 정보유통과정(情報流通過程)을 따라 많은 노력(努力)을 하였는데, 여기서 유통과정(流通過程)의 인상적(印象的)인 면목(面目)은 특별(特別)히 연구(硏究)로부터의 정보(情報)는 잡지(雜誌)에 게재(揭載)되기까지 진정으로는 공개적(公開的)이 못된다는 것과 이러한 사실(事實)은 선진연구(先進硏究)가 자주 시대(時代)에 뒤떨어지게 된다는 것을 발견할 수 있었다. 경험(經驗)이 많은 정보(情報)의 수요자(需要者)는 이러한 폐물화(廢物化)에 매우 민감(敏感)하며 자기(自己) 연구(硏究)에 당면한, 진행중(進行中)이거나 최근(最近) 완성(完成)된 연구(硏究)에 대하여 정보(情報)를 얻기 위한 모든 수단(手段)을 발견(發見)코자 하였다. 예를 들어, 이들은 잡지(雜誌)에 보문(報文)을 발표(發表)하기 전(前)에 발생(發生)하는 정보전파과정(情報傳播過程)을 통하여 유루(遺漏)될지도 모르는 정보(情報)를 얻기 위하여 한 잡지(雜誌)나 2차자료(二次資料) 또는 전형적(典型的)으로 이용(利用)되는 다른 잡지류중(雜誌類中)에서 당해정보(當該情報)가 발견(發見)되기를 기다리지 않는다는 것이다. (3) "정보생산 과학자(情報生産 科學者)"에 의한 정보전파(情報傳播)의 계속성(繼續性)(이 연구(硏究) 시리이즈의 결과(結果)는 본고(本稿)의 주내용(主內容)으로 되어 있다.) 1968/1969년(年)부터 1970/1971년(年)의 이년기간(二年期間)동안 보문(報文)을 낸 과학자(科學者)(1968/1969년(年) 잡지중(雜誌中)에 "질이 높은" 보문(報文)을 발표(發表)한)의 약 2/3는 1968/1969의 보문(報文)과 동일(同一)한 대상영역(對象領域)의 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續) 수행(遂行)하였다. 그래서 우리는 본연구(本硏究)에 오른 대부분(大部分)의 저자(著者)가 정상적(正常的)인 과학(科學), 즉 연구수행중(硏究遂行中) 의문(疑問)에 대한 완전(完全)한 해답(解答)을 얻게 되는 가장 중요(重要)한 추구(追求)로서 Kuhn(제5보(第5報))에 의하여 기술(技術)된 방법(방법)으로 과학(연구)(科學(硏究))을 실행(實行)하였음을 알았다. 최근(最近)에 연구(硏究)를 마치고 그 결과(結果)를 보문(報文)으로서 발표(發表)한 이들 과학자(科學者)들은 다음 단계(段階)로 해야 할 사항(事項)에 대하여 선행(先行)된 동일견해(同一見解)를 가진 다른 연구자(硏究자)들의 연구(硏究)와 대상(對象)에 밀접(密接)하게 관련(關聯)되고 있다. 이 계속성(繼續性)의 효과(效果)에 대한 지표(指標)는 보문(報文)과 동일(同一)한 영역(領域)에서 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續)한 저자(著者)들의 약 3/4은 선행(先行) 보문(報文)에 기술(技術)된 연구결과(硏究結果)에서 직접적(直接的)으로 새로운 연구(硏究)가 유도(誘導)되었음을 보고(報告)한 사항(事項)에 반영(反映)되어 있다. 그렇지만 우리들의 데이터는 다음 영역(領域)으로 기대(期待)하지 않은 전환(轉換)을 일으킬 수도 있음을 보여주고 있다. 동일(同一) 대상(對象)에서 연구(硏究)를 속행(續行)하였던 저자(著者)들의 1/5 이상(以上)은 뒤에 새로운 영역(領域)으로 연구(硏究)를 전환(轉換)하였고 또한 이 영역(領域)에서 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續)하였다. 연구영역(硏究領域)의 이러한 변화(變化)는 연구자(硏究者)의 일반(一般) 정보유통(情報流通) 패턴에 크게 변화(變化)를 보이지는 않는다. 즉 새로운 지적(知的) 문제(問題)에 대한 변화(變化)에서 야기(惹起)되는 패턴에 있어서 저자(著者)들은 오래된 문제(問題)의 방법(方法)과 기술(技術)을 새로운 문제(問題)로 맞추려 한다. 과학사(科學史)의 최근(最近) 해석(解釋)(Hanson: 6보(報))에서 예기(豫期)되었던 바와 같이 정상적(正常的)인 과학(科學)의 계속성(繼續性)은 항상 절대적(絶對的)이 아니며 "과학지식(科學知識)"의 첫발자욱은 예전 연구영역(硏究領域)의 대상(對象)에 관계(關係)없이 나타나는 다른 영역(領域)으로 내딛게 될지도 모른다. 우리들의 연구(硏究)에서 저자(著者)의 1/3은 동일(同一) 영역(領域)의 대상(對象)에서 속계적(續繼的)인 연구(硏究)를 수행(遂行)치 않고 새로운 영역(領域)으로 옮아갔다. 우리는 이와 같은 데이터를 (a) 저자(著者)가 각개과학자(各個科學者)의 활동(活動)을 통하여 집중적(集中的)인 과학적(科學的) 노력(努力)을 시험(試驗)할 때 각자(各自)의 연구(硏究)에 대한 많은 양(量)의 계속성(繼續性)이 어떤 진보중(進步中)의 과학분야(科學分野)에서도 나타난다는 것과 (b) 이 계속성(繼續性)은 과학(科學)에 대한 집중적(集中的) 진보(進步)의 필요적(必要的) 특질(特質)이라는 것을 의미한다. 또한 우리는 이 계속성(繼續性)과 관련(關聯)되는 유통문제(流通問題)라는 새로운 대상영역(對象領域)으로 전환(轉換)할 때 연구(硏究)의 각단계(各段階)의 진보(進步)와 새로운 목적(目的)으로 전환시(轉換時) 양자(兩者)가 다 필요(必要)로 하는 각개(各個) 과학자(科學者)의 정보수요(情報需要)를 위한 시간(時間) 소비(消費)라는 것을 탐지(探知)할 수 있다. 이러한 관찰(觀察)은 정보(情報)의 선택제공(選擇提供)시스팀이 현재(現在) 필요(必要)로 하는 정보(情報)의 만족(滿足)을 위하여는 효과적(效果的)으로 매우 융통성(融通性)을 띠어야 한다는 것을 암시(暗示)하는 것이다. 본고(本稿)의 시리이즈에 기술(記述)된 전정보유통(全情報流通) 과정(過程)의 재검토(再檢討) 결과(結果)는 과학자(科學者)들이 항상 그들의 요구(要求)를 조화(調和)시키는 신축성(伸縮性)있는 유통체제(流通體制)를 발전(發展)시켜 왔다는 것을 시사(示唆)해 주고 있다. 이 시스팀은 정보전파(情報傳播) 사항(事項)을 중심(中心)으로 이루어 지며 또한 이 사항(事項)의 대부분(大部分)의 참여자(參與者)는 자기자신(自己自身)이 과학정보(科學情報) 전파자(傳播者)라는 기본적(基本的)인 정보전파체제(情報傳播體制)인 것이다. 그러나 이 과정(過程)의 유통행위(流通行爲)에서 살펴본 바와 같이 우리는 대부분(大部分)의 정보전파자(情報傳播者)가 역시 정보(情報)의 동화자(同化者)-다시 말해서 과학정보(科學情報)의 생산자(生産者)는 정보(情報)의 이용자(利用者)라는 것을 알 수 있다. 이 연구(硏究)에서 전형적(典型的)인 과학자((科學者)는 과학정보(科學情報)의 생산(生産)이나 전파(傳播)의 양자(兩者)에 연속적(連續的)으로 관계(關係)하고 있음을 보았다. 만일(萬一) 연구자(硏究者)가 한 편(編)의 연구(硏究)를 완료(完了)한다면 이 연구자(硏究者)는 다음에 무엇을 할 것이냐 하는 관념(觀念)을 갖게 되고 따라서 "완료(完了)된" 연구(硏究)에 관한 정보(情報)를 이용(利用)하여 동시(同時)에 새로운 일을 시작(始作)하게 된다. 예를 들어, 한 과학자(科學者)가 동일(同一) 영역(領域)의 다른 동료연구자(同僚硏究者)에게 완전(完全)하며 이의(異議)에 방어(防禦)할 수 있는 보고서(報告書)를 제공(提供)할 수 있는 단계(段階)에 도달(到達)하였다면 우리는 이 과학자(科學者)가 정보유통과정(情報流通過程)에서 많은 역할(役割)을 해낼 수 있다는 것을 알 것이다. 즉 이 과학자(科學者)는 다른 과학자(科學者)들에게 최신(最新)의 과학적(科學的) 결과(結果)를 제공(提供)할 때 하나의 과학정보(科學情報) 전파자(傳播者)가 되며, 이 연구(硏究)의 의의(意義)와 타당성(妥當性)에 관한 논평(論評)이나 비평(批評)을 동료(同僚)로부터 구(求)하는 관점(觀點)에서 보면 이 과학자(科學者)는 하나의 정보탐색자(情報探索者)가 된다. 또한 장래(將來)의 이용(利用)을 위하여 증정(贈呈)이나 동화(同化)한 이 정보(情報)로부터 피이드백을 받아 드렸을 때의 범주(範疇)에서 보면 (잡지(雜誌)에 투고(投稿)하기 위하여 원고(原稿)를 작성(作成)하는 경우에 있어서와 같이) 과학자(科學者)는 하나의 정보이용자(情報利用者)가 되고 이러한 모든 가능성(可能性)에서 정보생산자(情報生産者)는 다음 정보생산(情報生産)에 이미 들어가 있다고 볼 수 있다(저자(著者)들의 2/3는 보문(報文)이 게재(揭載)되기 전(前)에 이미 새로운 연구(硏究)를 시작(始作)하였다). 과학자(科學者)가 자기연구(自己硏究)를 마치고 예비보고서(豫備報告書)를 만든 후(後) 자기연구(自己硏究)에 관한 정보(情報)의 전파(傳播)를 계속하게 되는데 이와 관계(關係)되는 일반적(一般的)인 패턴을 보면 소수(少數)의 동료(同僚)그룹에 출석(出席)하는 경우 (예로 지역집담회)(地域集談會))와 대중(大衆) 앞에서 행(行)하는 경우(예로 국가적 회합(國家的 會合)) 등이 있다. 그러는 동안에 다양성(多樣性) 있는 성문보고서(成文報告書)가 이루어진다. 그러나 과학자(科學者)들이 자기연구(自己硏究)를 위한 주정보전파목표(主情報傳播目標)는 과학잡지중(科學雜誌中)에 게재(揭載)되는 보문(報文)이라는 것이 명확(明確)한 사실(事實)인 것이다. 이러한 목표(目標)에 도달(到達)할 때까지의 각(各) 정보전파단계(情報傳播段階)에서 과학자(科學者)들은 목표달성(目標達成)을 위하여 청중(聽衆), 자기동화(自己同化)된 정보(情報) 및 이미 이용(利用)된 정보(情報)로부터 피이드백을 탐색(探索)하게 된다. 우리가 본고(本稿)의 시리이즈중(中)에 표현(表現)하려 했던 바와 같이 이러한 활동(活動)은 조사수임자(調査受任者)의 의견(意見)이 원고(原稿)에 반영(反映)되고 또 그 원고(原稿)가 잡지게재(雜誌揭載)를 위해 수리(受理)될 때까지 계속적(繼續的)으로 정보(情報)를 탐색(探索)하는 과학자(科學者)나 기타(其他)사람들에게 효과적(效果的)이었다. 원고(原稿)가 수리(受理)되면 그 원고(原稿)의 저자(著者)들은 그 보문(報文)의 주내용(主內容)에 대하여 적극적(積極的)인 정보전파자(情報傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)을 종종 중지(中止)하는 일이 있는데 이때에는 저자(著者)들의 역할(役割)이 변화(變化)하는 것을 볼 수 있었다. 즉 이 저자(著者)들은 일시적(一時的)이긴 하나 새로운 일을 착수(着手)하기 위하여 정보(情報)의 동화자(同化者)를 찾게 된다. 또한 전(前)에 행한 일에 대한 의견(意見)이나 비평(批評)이 새로운 일에 영향(影響)을 끼치게 된다. 동시(同時)에 새로운 과학정보생산(科學情報生産) 과정(過程)에 들어가게 되고 현재(現在) 진행중(進行中)이거나 최근(最近) 완료(完了)한 연구(硏究)에 대한 정보(情報)를 항상 찾게 된다. 활발(活潑)한 연구(硏究)를 하는 과학자(科學者)들에게는, 동화자(同化者)로서의 역할(役割)과 전파자(傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)을 분리(分離)시킨다는 것은 실제적(實際的)은 못된다. 즉 후자(後者)를 완성(完成)하기 위해서는 전자(前者)를 이용(利用)하게 된다는 것이다. 과학자(科學者)들은 한 단계(段階)에서 한 전파자(傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)이 뚜렷하나 다른 단계(段階)에서는 정보교환(情報交換)이 기본적(基本的)으로 정보동화(情報同化)에 직결(直結)되고 있는 것이다. 정보전파자(情報傳播者)와 정보동화자간(情報同化者間)의 상호관계(相互關係)(또는 정보생산자(情報生産者)와 정보이용자간(情報利用者間))는 과학(科學)에 있어서 하나의 필수양상(必修樣相)이다. 과학(科學)의 유통구조(流通構造)가 전파자(傳播者)(이용자(利用者)로서의 역할(役割)보다는)의 필요성(必要性)에서 볼 때 복잡(複雜)하고 다이나믹한 시스팀으로 구성(構成)된다는 사실(事實)은 과학(科學)의 발전과정(發展過程)에서 필연적(必然的)으로 나타난다. 이와 같은 사실(事實)은 과학정보(科學情報)의 전파요원(傳播要員)이 국가적 회합(國家的 會合)에서 자기연구(自己硏究)에 대한 정보(情報)의 전파기회(傳播機會)를 거절(拒絶)하고 따라서 전파정보(電波情報)를 판단(判斷)하고 선별(選別)하는 것을 감소(減少)시키며 결과적(結果的)으로 잡지(雜誌)나 단행본(單行本)에서 비평(批評)을 하고 추고(推敲)하는 것이 배제(排除)될 때는 유형적(有形的) 과학(科學)은 급속(急速)히 비과학성(非科學性)을 띠게 된다는 것을 Lysenko의 생애(生涯)에 대한 Medvedev의 기술중(記述中)[7]에 지적(指摘)한 것과 관계(關係)되고 있다.