• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.33
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• pp.7-52
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to analyze two mechanisms appeared in Educational crisis by Korea mass media, which are discoursive constitution of meaning and the mechanism for discoursive constitution of subject. The analysis will classify ideological characteristics and conflict opposition of conservative and progressive media. As background for chosen case study, language structure and combination methods in Theory of Discourse of M. $P\hat{e}cheux$ will be discussed. Specifically, choices and combination methods of the chosen language structure-the preconstructed, articulation, mechanism, and structuring method of ideology will be main topics. Following case study will be Chosun and Hankyoreh newspaper, each representing conservative and progressive side. Discussion regarding educational crisis news, such as "Collapse of Classroom", "Collapse of School" is selected, and analyzed in terms of insight story, cause and responsibility, and taken measures.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.80-91
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• 2019

Korean society is now in the 2017 system. The zeitgeist is now hoping to move into a society where the right to pursue happiness centered on democracy, human rights, and peace is recognized, and to the era of the fourth industrial revolution. The paradigm shifts in the education arena began before the start of this socio-political system. The educational autonomy centered on the progressive education superintendent is accelerating the influx of alternative education, which is part of the civic education movement, through public school reforms. It can be seen that not only the progressive camp but also the conservative government emphasized educational policies such as the liberal semester system, which was gradually adopted by the government. For education that is appropriate for a rapidly changing society, it is necessary to discuss about educational grand-discourse that can alternate current public education. Although it does not mean only one discourse, it is a necessary process to systematically consider alternate education of public education and to suggest the direction for future education. In this regard, this study aims to introduce the discourse that can produce critical consciousness and creativity that emphasize the praxis and practice through critical pedagogy and bricolage.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.4
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• pp.33-59
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• 2013

This study has examined an analysis of discourses on free child care policy for 0-2 year old children in Korea. The author has searched articles in daily news papers of "free child care for 0-2years old" using Korea Integrated News Database System and Chosun archive. For the analysis, articles from March 2012 to May 2013 has been collected. From this study, it has been suggested that discourses has been showed with diverse issues such as home care allowance, working mom vs full-time housewives, universal welfare vs selective welfare. These discourses has developed with the ideologies of conservative and progressive perspectives. The suggestions of this study will contribute to the development and practice of a free child care policy for 0-2 year children through reflective discourse analysis.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.6
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• pp.242-251
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• 2011

Social media in the press is often described as a future oriented and pioneering image. These press reports have played an important role in the proliferation of social media. This paper investigates social implications of social media discourse through the analysis of the press's reports. As a result, social media in the press was described as wave of an irresistible social changes. Corporations, governments, politicians and even the general public were reported to have shown a positive attitude towards using social media. It means that people accept disciplinaire needed for the time for progress toward a new future.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.112-144
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• 2001

This study attempts to analyze how and why Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun produce particular social discourses about the media reform in different ways. In doing so, this paper attempts to disclose the ideological nature of media reform discourses in social contexts. For the purpose, a content analysis method was applied to the analysis of straight news, while an interpretive discourse analysis was appled to analyze both editorials and columns in newspapers. As a theoretical framework, an articulation theory was applied to explain the relationships among social forces, ideological elements, discourse practices and subjects to produce the media reform discourses. In doing so, I attempted to understand the overall conjuncture of the media reform aspects in social contexts. The period for the analysis was limited from January 10th to August 10th this year. Newspaper articles related to the media reform were obtained from the database of newspaper articles, "KINDS," produced by Korean Press Foundation, in searching the key word, "media reform". Total articles to be analyzed were 765, 429 from Hankyoreh Sinmun and 236 from Chosun Ilbo. The research results, first of all, empirically show that both Chosun Ilbo and Hankure Synmun used straight news for their firms' interests and value judgement, in selecting and excluding events related to media reform or in exaggerating and reducing the meanings of the events, although there are differences in a greater or less degree between two newspaper companies. Accordingly, this paper argues that the monopoly of newspaper subscriber by three major newspapers in Korean society could result in the forming of one-sided social consensus about various social issues through the distorting and unequal reporting by them. Second, this paper's discourse analysis related to the media reform indicates that the discourse of ideology confrontation between the right and the left produced by Chosen Ilbo functioned as a mechanism to realize law enforcement of the right in articulating the request of media reform and the anti-communist ideology. It resulted in the discursive effect of suppressing the request of media reform by civic groups and scholars and made many people to consider the media reform as a ideological matter in Korean society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.221-245
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• 2015

This research defines Pope Francis's visit to Korea in August 2014 and the reactions from journalism to it as a case to show the discursive potential of mediated religion for social change. It analyzes the editorials and the columns on the Pope in five daily newspapers including the Chosunilbo, the Dong-A Ilbo, the Joongang Daily, the Hankyoreh, and the Kyunghyang Shinmun. Since the Pope receives positive evaluations for his remarks and behaviors during the visit from most of those articles, this research categorizes the values identified with the Pope and those with the "anti-Pope" into a form of binary oppositions, and interpret the meanings of the rhetorical strategies. The findings suggest that a consistent narrative is constructed by journalism regarding the harsh reality of Korea and the ways to overcome its structural problems. Based on the findings, I argue that mediated religion in this case is expected by the secular society to do its role for social change by being a provider of progressive and alternative values.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.109-136
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• 2012

This research analyzed the news coverage of controversy over Korean resumption of Wartime Operational Control from the United States in 2006, trying to find various narrative frames and their relevance to the characters of journalistic interpretive communities. Three competitive frames emerged: Self-national defense and peace making, Balance of self-national defense and the Korea-US alliance, and Priority of the Korea-U.S. alliance and national security. Journalistic discourses were also analyzed through the in-depth interviews of 14 journalists from three interpretive communities. The results revealed that competitions of narrative frames reflected the tensed relationship among political power blocs, each representing the liberal, moderate, or conservative camp of Korean society, and preference of journalistic practices such as objective journalism to advocacy journalism. Finally, inferences were made that the clashes among interpretive authorities, existing behind the competition of news frames, restrained public deliberations on a critical incident regarding national security by blocking up the reasoned news coverage of political controversy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.27
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• pp.63-91
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to investigate the gender discourse of Korean newspapers. For this, the study analyzes the frames of frames of crime news on Chosun Daily and Hangyurae Newspaper for 2 years. The data are collected using KINDS, and include 265 crime articles involving woman. According to the results of this research, the episodic frames are used in the most of crime news. The five frame devices are founded in the episodic frame articles; the male subjectivity and the female objectivity, the male-oriented perspectives which reporters have, the abused sexual details and sensationalism, the emphasis of women body's fragility which imply woman's unavoidability as victims, and finally, blaming women who are victims of crimes. And in the articles of thematic frames, the similar frame devices are found. In particular, they only emphasize the problem of crime and fail to suggest a concrete resolution. Finally, the study discusses the findings relating to the patriarchal news making convention and the commercialism of newspaper industry. The two newspapers have been pursuing quite different political lines in Korean society. It is generally considered that Hangyurae newspaper is progressive and Chosun Daily is conservative. However, this study reveals that the way dealt with women in the crime news are not different. It is concluded that Korean newspapers still produce the gender discourse based on male-centric perspective and patriarchal ideology.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.5-44
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• 2010

The main purpose of this study is to critically examine the existing theoretical as well as analytical scope of 'sexual minority' in Social Welfare, and to (re)construct and expand it incorporating feminist theories on sexuality. The body of literature on sexual minority or homosexuality in social welfare in Korea as well as in the West can be characterized as two distinct features: first, medical discourse leaning on pathological perspective which perceives homosexuality as a disease or defect, homosexual as a pervert; and second, human rights perspective premised upon the idea of diversity and multi-culturalism, both which are anchoring at 'essentialism.' Based upon the understanding of sexuality as a social construct, we argue that feminist insight on sexuality can lead to reconceptualizing homosexuality and reorienting theories and practices in social welfare. From radical feminism to postmodern queer theories, feminists have developed diverse ideas and complex theories on sexuality and homosexuality, including the concept of 'compulsory heterosexuality,' 'lesbianism as political resistance,' and 'performative gender.' For feminists, particularly, sexuality which is constructed in the complex power matrix of dominations to producing and maintaining inequalities and discriminations is not merely a distinctive variable, but one of the important organizational principles such as gender, class, race, age, and nationality. This epistemological principle will hopefully shed lights on alternative 'knowledge' on homosexuality in social welfare, and lead to significant contribution to its critical expansion in theory and practice.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.136-167
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• 2001

본 논문은 1996년 노동법 개정을 둘러싼 노동계의 총파업에 대해 보수적 성향을 갖는 조선일보와 진보적 성향을 갖고 있던 한겨레가 어떠한 방식으로 이러한 쟁점을 재현하고 해석하는 지를 분석했다. 당시의 노동계 총파업은 내부적으로는 민주화에 따른 시민사회의 성숙과 외부적으로는 글로벌라이제이션에 따른 국가 간 경쟁의 가속화라는 두 가지 정치경제학적 요인이 교차하는 공간에서 일어났으며, 동시에 광범위한 국민적 지지를 확보한 파업으로 그 상징적 의미를 갖고 있다. 이와 같이 주요 사회적 쟁점에 대한 두 신문간의 차이를 분석하기 위해 질적 분석 방법인 서사분석(Narrative Analysis)과 양적 분석 방법인 조응분석(Correspondence Analysis)을 사용했다. 서사분석은 사건의 발생과 진행 그리고 결말 과정에서 대립되는 행위자의 상징적 담론을 분석함으로써 사회적 쟁점에 대한 신문사간의 뉴스보도의 차이점 또는 유사성을 구분할 수 있으며, 조응분석은 주요 쟁점에 대해 행위자들이 어떠한 방식으로 서로 연계되는 지를 파악함으로써 역동적으로 총파업에 대한 행위자들의 관계의 변화를 공간적으로 탐색할 수 있는 장점을 갖고 있다. 서사분석 결과, 두 신문은 각각 서로 다른 서사구조를 기반으로 주요 행위자의 담론적 기호를 정반대로 구성하고 있었다. 사건 발생 단계에서는, 두 신문이 각각 국가 경쟁력 강화와 노동전 보호를 중심적인 서사구조로 설정해 차이를 보였으며, 대통령 및 여당과 민주노총이 대립적인 행위자로 설정되었다. 사건의 발전 단계에서는, 총파업의 불법성과 적법성 문제에 대한 갈등을 기본 서사구조로 제시한 채, 노동계를 포함한 시민사회와 정부기관이 대립적인 행위자로 등장했다. 사건의 갈등 해소 단계에서는 문제 해결을 위한 방법으로 두 신문이 대통령과 야당 지도자간의 정치적 해결과 노동법 통과에 대한 위헌론 제기를 중심으로 한 노동단체들의 지속적인 연대를 중심 서사구조로 각각 제시했다. 이 시기에서 주요 행위자들의 대립관계는 종료되었다. 조응분석 결과, 사건 발생과 위기 고조 단계, 그리고 갈등 해소 단계등 모든 시기에서 두 신문의 주요 행위자 구성에 있어서 차이가 나타났다. 다시 말해, 조선일보는 기본적으로 총파업을 둘러싼 문제의 구성과 발전, 해소 과정에서 정당이나 대통령, 야당 지도자 등과 같은 정치관련 행위자를 강조하고 있었다. 반면에, 한겨레는 대체로 로든 사건진행 단계에서 노동 관련 단체들과 시민단체의 역동적인 연대와 활동에 초점을 맞추고 있는 것으로 나타났다.