• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
• /
• v.4 no.1
• /
• pp.41-64
• /
• 1971

During the period from July 1st to the end of November 1970, a survey on air pollution and noise level was made in Seoul, Pusan and Taegu, the three largest cities in Korea. Each city was divided into 4-6 areas; the industrial area, the semi-industrial area, the commercial area, the residential area, the park area and the downtown area. Thirty eight sites were selected from each area. A. Method of Measurement : Dustfall was measured by the Deposit Gauge Method, sulfur oxides by $PbO_2$ cylinder method, suspended particles by the Digital Dust Indicator, Sulfur dioxide ($SO_2$) and Carbon Monoxide (CO) by the MSA & Kitakawa Detector and the noise levels by Rion Sound Survey meter. B. Results: 1. The mean value of dustfall in 3 cities was $30.42ton/km^2/month$, ranging from 8.69 to 95.44. 2. The mean values of dustfall by city were $33.17ton/km^2/month$ in Seoul, 32.11 in Pusan and 25.97 in Taegu. 3. The mean values of dustfall showed a trend of decreasing order of semi-industrial area, downtown area, industrial area, commercial area, residential area, and park area. 4. The mean value of dustfall in Seoul by area were $52.32ton/km^2/month$ in downtown, 50.54 in semi-industrial area, 40.37 in industrial area, 24,19 in commercial area, 16.25 in park area and 15.39 in residential area in order of concentration. 5. The mean values of dustfall in Pusan by area were $48.27ton/km^2/month$ in semi-industrial area, 36.68 in industrial area 25.31 in commercial area, and 18.19 in residential area. 6. The mean values of dustfall in Taegu by area were $36.46ton/km^2/month$ in downtown area, 33.52 in industrial area, 20.37 in commercial area and 13.55 in residential area. 7. The mean values of sulfur oxides in 3 cities were $1.52mg\;SO_3/day/100cm^2\;PbO_2$, ranging from 0.32 to 4.72. 8. The mean values of sulfur oxides by city were $1.89mg\;SO_3/day/100cm^2\;PbO_2$ in Pusan, 1.64 in Seoul and 1.21 in Taegu. 9. The mean values of sulfur oxides by area in 3 cities were $2.16mg\;SO_3/day/100cm^2\;PbO_2$ in industrial area, 1.69 in semi-industrial area, 1.50 in commercial area, 1.48 in downtown area, 1.32 in residential area and 0.94 in the park area, respectively. 10. The monthly mean values of sulfur oxides contents showed a steady increase from July reaching a peak in November. 11. The mean values of suspended particles was $2.89mg/m^3$, ranging from 1.15 to 5.27. 12. The mean values of suspended particles by city were $3.14mg/m^3$ in Seoul, 2.79 in Taegu and 2.25 in Pusan. 13. The mean values of noise level in 3 cities was 71.3 phon, ranging from 49 to 99 phon. 14. The mean values of noise level by city were 73 phon in Seoul, 72 in Pusan, and 69 in Taegu in that order. 15. The mean values of noise level by area in 3 cities showed a decrease in the order of the downtown area, commercial area, industrial area and semi-industrial area, park area and residential area. 16. The comparison of the noise levels by area in 3 cities indicated that the highest level was detected in the downtown area in Seoul and Taegu and in the industrial area in Pusan. 17. The daily average concentration of sulfur dioxides ($SO_2$) in 3 cities was 0.081 ppm, ranging from 0.004 to 0.196. 18. The daily average concentrations of sulfur dioxides by city were 0.092 ppm in Seoul, 0.089 in Pusan and 0.062 in Taegu in that order. 19. The weekly average concentration of carbon monoxides(CO) was 27.59 ppm. 20. The daily average concentrations of carbon monoxides by city were 33.37 ppm. in Seoul, 25.76 in Pusan and 23.65 in Taegu in that order. 21. The concentration of $SO_2$ and CO reaches a peak from 6 p. m. to 8 p. m. 22. About 3 times probably the daily average concentration of CO could be detected in the downtown area probably due to heavy traffic emission in comparison with that in the industial area. 23. As for daily variation of the concentration of $SO_2$ and CO it was found that the concentration maintains relatively higher value during weekdays in the industrial area and on the first part of the week in the downtown area.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.34 no.3
• /
• pp.78-97
• /
• 2016

The objectives of this study are to examine the context of the establishment of Suhoe Gugok, Byeokgye Gugok Vally, and Nosan Palkyung, which have been established in Seojong-myeon of Yangpyeong-gun, by literature review and site investigations, and to determine the sceneries of Byeokgye scenic site as enjoyed and managed during the period of Hwaseo Lee, Hang-ro(華西 李恒老). The results of the study are as follows. First, Byeokgye Gugok Vally(黃蘗九曲) and Nosan Palkyung(蘆山八景), which have been established after the period of Hwaseo and theorized to have been established around key scenic areas associated with Hwaseo's activities, the analysis results showed that they were collecting sceneries of modern times. The extensive overlap between Byeokgye Gugok Vally and concentrated scenic elements of Suhoe Gugok(水回九曲), and the artificial configuration from the end point of Suhoe Gugok to the beginning point of Nosan Palkyung, reveal the pattern of space conflict and hegemony between Byeokgyes of Suip-ri and Nomun-ri. This is likely to be caused by the conflict between the historicity of the group that enjoyed Byeokgye prior to Hwaso's period and the strong territoriality of the space filled with the image of Hwaseo. Second, Byeokgye Gugok Vally was the secondary spatial system created by selecting the most scenic sites in Suip-ri while expanding the area of Nosan Palkyung. After establishment of Byeokgye Gugok Vally, the spatial identity of the entire Byeokgyecheon area was effectively established. This was a "Hwaseo-oriented" move, including the complete exclusion of the scenic sites from the pre-Hwaseo period such as Cheongseo Gujang and Suhoe Gugok's Letters Carved on the Rock. Consequently, the entire Byeokgyecheon area was reorganized into a cultural scenic site with Heoseo's influence. Third, Fifth, creations of Gugok(九曲) to determine the lineage of the Hwaseo School from Juja(朱子) to Yulgok(栗谷) to Uam(尤庵) to Hwaseo is likely to be an opportunity of birth and external motivation of the establishment of new Gugok Palkyung. In other words, Nosan Palkyung and Byeokgye Gugok Vally are likely to have been created as a reaction to the change of the center of the Hwaseo School to Okgyedong, and with strategic orientation based on the motivation and needs such as creation of the connecting space between Mui Gugok, Gosan Gugok, and Okgye Gugok, and the elevation of Hwaseo's status. Fourth, from the Hwaseo's Li-centric point of view, all revered sites in Beokwon(蘗園) that he managed existed as the spatial creative work to experience the existence of "li" through the objects in the landscape and the boundary of the spirit of emptiness of the aesthetic self. This clearly shows how Byeokgye Gugok Vally or Nosan Palkyung must be defined, and furthermore, appreciated and approached, prior to discussing it as the space associated with Hwaseo. Fifth, Nosan Palkyung was composed of cultural scenic landscapes of Gokjungkyung(曲中景) with eight scenic sites where Hwaseo gave his teachings and spend time around, in the Byeokgye of Nomun-ri area of Byeokgye Gugok Vally. The sceneries is, however, collected by depending on Hwaseo's Letters Carved on the Rock and poetry. Consequently, an inner exuberance of Nosan Palkyung is satisfied beside Byeokgye Gugok Vally, but its conceptual adequacy leaves room for questions.

• The Korean Journal of Quaternary Research
• /
• v.20 no.1 s.26
• /
• pp.51-66
• /
• 2006

The climate of the last glacial maximum (LGM) in northeast Asia is simulated with an atmospheric general circulation model of NCAR CCM3 at spectral truncation of T170, corresponding to a grid cell size of roughly 75 km. Modern climate is simulated by a prescribed sea surface temperature and sea ice provided from NCAR, and contemporary atmospheric CO2, topography, and orbital parameters, while LGM simulation was forced with the reconstructed CLIMAP sea surface temperatures, sea ice distribution, ice sheet topography, reduced $CO_2$, and orbital parameters. Under LGM conditions, surface temperature is markedly reduced in winter by more than $18^{\circ}C$ in the Korean west sea and continental margin of the Korean east sea, where the ocean exposed to land in the LGM, whereas in these areas surface temperature is warmer than present in summer by up to $2^{\circ}C$. This is due to the difference in heat capacity between ocean and land. Overall, in the LGM surface is cooled by $4{\sim}6^{\circ}C$ in northeast Asia land and by $7.1^{\circ}C$ in the entire area. An analysis of surface heat fluxes show that the surface cooling is due to the increase in outgoing longwave radiation associated with the reduced $CO_2$ concentration. The reduction in surface temperature leads to a weakening of the hydrological cycle. In winter, precipitation decreases largely in the southeastern part of Asia by about $1{\sim}4\;mm/day$, while in summer a larger reduction is found over China. Overall, annual-mean precipitation decreases by about 50% in the LGM. In northeast Asia, evaporation is also overall reduced in the LGM, but the reduction of precipitation is larger, eventually leading to a drier climate. The drier LGM climate simulated in this study is consistent with proxy evidence compiled in other areas. Overall, the high-resolution model captures the climate features reasonably well under global domain.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
• /
• v.19 no.2
• /
• pp.157-175
• /
• 2013

Since Korean government announced 'Smartwork promotion strategy' in 2010, Korean firms and government organizations have started to adopt smartwork. However, the smartwork has been implemented only in a few of large enterprises and government organizations rather than SMEs (small and medium enterprises). In USA, both Yahoo! and Best Buy have stopped their flexible work because of its reported low productivity and job loafing problems. In addition, according to the literature on smartwork, we could draw obstacles of smartwork adoption and categorize them into the three types: institutional, organizational, and technological. The first category of smartwork adoption obstacles, institutional, include the difficulties of smartwork performance evaluation metrics, the lack of readiness of organizational processes, limitation of smartwork types and models, lack of employee participation in smartwork adoption procedure, high cost of building smartwork system, and insufficiency of government support. The second category, organizational, includes limitation of the organization hierarchy, wrong perception of employees and employers, a difficulty in close collaboration, low productivity with remote coworkers, insufficient understanding on remote working, and lack of training about smartwork. The third category, technological, obstacles include security concern of mobile work, lack of specialized solution, and lack of adoption and operation know-how. To overcome the current problems of smartwork in reality and the reported obstacles in literature, we suggest a novel smartwork service model based on NFC(Near Field Communication). This paper suggests NFC-based Smartwork Service Model composed of NFC-based Smartworker networking service and NFC-based Smartwork space management service. NFC-based smartworker networking service is comprised of NFC-based communication/SNS service and NFC-based recruiting/job seeking service. NFC-based communication/SNS Service Model supplements the key shortcomings that existing smartwork service model has. By connecting to existing legacy system of a company through NFC tags and systems, the low productivity and the difficulty of collaboration and attendance management can be overcome since managers can get work processing information, work time information and work space information of employees and employees can do real-time communication with coworkers and get location information of coworkers. Shortly, this service model has features such as affordable system cost, provision of location-based information, and possibility of knowledge accumulation. NFC-based recruiting/job-seeking service provides new value by linking NFC tag service and sharing economy sites. This service model has features such as easiness of service attachment and removal, efficient space-based work provision, easy search of location-based recruiting/job-seeking information, and system flexibility. This service model combines advantages of sharing economy sites with the advantages of NFC. By cooperation with sharing economy sites, the model can provide recruiters with human resource who finds not only long-term works but also short-term works. Additionally, SMEs (Small Medium-sized Enterprises) can easily find job seeker by attaching NFC tags to any spaces at which human resource with qualification may be located. In short, this service model helps efficient human resource distribution by providing location of job hunters and job applicants. NFC-based smartwork space management service can promote smartwork by linking NFC tags attached to the work space and existing smartwork system. This service has features such as low cost, provision of indoor and outdoor location information, and customized service. In particular, this model can help small company adopt smartwork system because it is light-weight system and cost-effective compared to existing smartwork system. This paper proposes the scenarios of the service models, the roles and incentives of the participants, and the comparative analysis. The superiority of NFC-based smartwork service model is shown by comparing and analyzing the new service models and the existing service models. The service model can expand scope of enterprises and organizations that adopt smartwork and expand the scope of employees that take advantages of smartwork.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.30 no.1
• /
• pp.46-56
• /
• 2012

The research results of tracing the Landscape Philosophy of Hageowon garden(何去園) in Musu-dong, Daejon of Youhwadang, Kwon, Iijin(權以鎭, 1668-1734) is as below. The ideological background of the protagonist reflected in Hageowon is the Hyoje Ideology(filial piety and brotherly love, 孝弟) of Sinjongchuwon(painstakingly caring for one's ancestors), Musil ideology(pursuing ethical diligence and truthful mind, 務實) based on sadistic tradition and ethical rationalism, Confucionist Eunil Ideology(ideology on seclusion, 隱逸) of Cheonghanjiyeon(quiet relaxation, 淸閒之燕), and the Pungryu ideology(appreciation for the arts, 風流) of Taoism in the Taoist style. Thus, by substituting these ideological values into a space called Hageowon, the Byulup gardens(別業) such as the Symbolic garden(象徵園), meaning gaeden(意園), and miniascape garden(縮景園) were able to be constructed. 2) The space organization system of Hageowon is generally classified into three phases considering the hierarchy. The first territory is the transitional space having residential features, which is an area to reach peach tree - road(Taoist world 桃經) from Youhwadang(有懷堂). The second territory is a monumental memorial space where the Yocheondae(繞千臺), Jangwoodam(丈藕潭), Hwagae(花階), and the ancestral graves take place, centering on the yards of Sumanheon(收漫軒), and the third territory is the secluded space in the eastern outer garden where the mountain stream flows from the north to south and which is the vein of the left-hand blue dragon(靑龍) of the guardian mountain of Hageowon. 3) Symbolically, the first phase has symbolized the space as a meaningful scenery by overlapping the Confucionist place of Youhwadang - Gosudae(孤秀臺) - Odeokdae(五德臺), and the mystic world of Jukcheondang(竹遷堂) - peach tree - road(桃徑). The second phase, which is the space of Sumanheon(收漫軒), Yocheondae, and Jangwoodam, the symbolical value of Sinjongchuwon(愼終追遠) and the remembrance and longing for one's parents are reflected. The third phase, which is the eastern outer garden of Hageowon and where the mountain stream flows from the north to south, is composed of the east valley(東溪) - Hwalsudam(活水潭) - Sumi Waterfall(修眉瀑布). More specifically, (1) Mongjeong symbolizes the life of gaining knowledge through studying to realize one's foolishness, (2) Hwalsudam symbolizes a transcending attitude in life refusing to pursue wealth and fame, and (3) Jangwoodam symbolizes the gateway to the fairyland to enter the world of mystic gods. 4) The rationale behind Hageowon is that the two algorithms of Confucionism and Taoist Theory appear repeatedly and in an overlapping way. The Napoji(納汚池) and Hwalsudam, which pertains to the prelude of space development, has symbolized Susimyangseong(修心養成, meditating one's mind and improving one's nature), which is based on ethical rationalism. Moreover, if the Monjeong sphere pertaining to the eastern outer garden of Hageowon takes the Confucionist value system as its theme, including moral training, studying, and researching, Jangwudam, Sumi Waterfalls, and Unwa can be understood as a taste of Cheokbyeon(滌煩, eliminating troubles) for the arts where the mystic world is substituted as a meaningful scenery. 5) The miniascape technique called artificial mountain was substituted to Hageowon to construct a mystic world like the 12 peaks of Mt. Mu(巫山). By borrowing the symbolic meaning expressed in old poems, it has been named 'Habang(1/何放), Hwabong(2, 3/和峯), Chulgun(4, 5, 6/出群), Sinwan(7/神浣), Chwhigyu(8, 9, 10/聚糾), Cheomyo(11/處杳), Giyung(12/氣融).' The representative poet reciting artificial mountain were Wangeui(汪醫), Nosamgang(魯三江), Dubo(杜甫), Hanyou(韓愈), Jeonheaseong(錢希聖), and Beomseokho(范石湖). They related themselves with literature by transcending time and space and attempted to sing about the richness of the mental world by putting the mystic world and culture of appreciating the arts they pursued in the vacation home called Hageowon.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
• /
• v.35 no.3
• /
• pp.211-220
• /
• 2002

The Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit in the Jilin province, located in NNE 800 km of Beijing, is hosted by diorite. The ore mineralization of Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit show a stockwork occurrence that is concentrated on the potassic and phyllic alteration zones. The Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit in the south is being mined with its reserves grading 0.8% Cu, 3.64 g/t Au and 16.8 g/t Ag and in the north, grading 0.63% Cu, 3.80 g/t Au and 6.8 glt Ag. The alteration assemblage occurs as a supergene blanket over deposit. Hydrothermal alteration at the Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit is centered about the stock and was extensively related to the emplacement of the stock. Early hydrothermal alteration was dominantly potassic and followed by propylitic alteration. Chalcocite, often associated with hematite, account for the ore-grade copper, while chalcopyrite, bornite, quartz, epidote, chlorite and calcite constitute the typical gangue assemblage. Other minor opaque phases include pyrite, marcasite, native gold, electrum, hessite, hedleyite, volynskite, galenobismutite, covellite and goethite. Fluid inclusion data indicate that the formation of this porphyry copper deposit is thought to be a result of cooling followed by mixing with dilute and cooler meteoric water with time. In stage II vein, early boiling occurred at 497$^{\circ}$C was succeeded by the occurrence of halite-bearing type III fluid inclusion with homogenization temperature as much as 100$^{\circ}$C lower. The salinities of type 1II fluid inclusion in stage II vein are 54.3 to 66.9 wt.% NaCI + KCI equiv. at 383$^{\circ}$ to 495$^{\circ}$C, indicating the formation depth less than 1 km. Type I cupriferous fluids in stage III vein have the homogenization temperatures and salinity of 168$^{\circ}$ to 365$^{\circ}$C and 1.1 to 9.0 wt.% NaCI equiv. These fluid inclusions in stage III veins were trapped in quartz veins containing highly fractured breccia, indicating the predominance of boiling evidence. This corresponds to hydrostatic pressure of 50 to 80 bars. The $\delta$$^{34}S$ value of sulfide minerals increase slightly with paragenetic time and yield calculated $\delta$$^{34}S_{H2S}$ values of 0.8 to 3.7$\textperthousand$. There is no mineralogical evidence that fugacity of oxygen decreased, and it is thought that the oxygen fugacity of the mineralizing fluids have been buffered through reaction with magnetite. We interpreted the range of the calculated $\delta$$^{34}S_{H2S}$ values for sulfides to represent the incorporation of sulfur from two sources into the Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au hydrothermal fluids: (1) an isotopically light source with a $\delta$$^{34}S$ value of I to 2$\textperthousand$, probably a Mesozoic granitoid related to the ore mineralization. We can infer from the fact that diorite as the host rock in the Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit area intruded plagiogranite; (2) an isotopically heavier source with a $\delta$$^{34}S$ value of > 4.0$\textperthousand$, probably the local porphyry.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
• /
• v.44 no.5
• /
• pp.887-894
• /
• 2011

To evaluate the effects of abiotic factors of paddy fields on greenhouse gases (GHGs) emissions from rice paddy fields, $CH_4$ emission amounts were investigated from rice paddy fields by different soil organic matter contents, paddy types, and agricultural climatic zone in Yeongnam area during 3 years. $CH_4$ emission amounts according to soil organic matter contents in paddy field were conducted at having different contents of 5 soil organic matters fields (23.6, 28.7, 31.0, 34.5, and $38.0g\;kg^{-1}$), The highest $CH_4$ emission amount was recorded in the highest soil organic matters plot of $38.0g\;kg^{-1}$. High correlation coefficient (r=$0.963^{**}$) was obtained between $CH_4$ emissions from paddy fields and their soil organic matter contents. According to paddy field types, $CH_4$ emission amounts were investigated at 4 different paddy fields as wet paddy, sandy paddy, immature paddy, and mature paddy. The highest $CH_4$ emissions was recorded in wet paddy (100%) and followed as immature paddy 64.0%, mature paddy 46.8%, and sandy paddy 23.8%, respectively. For the effects of temperature on $CH_4$ emissions from paddy fields, 4 agricultural climatic zones were investigated, which were Yeongnam inland zone (YIZ), eastern coast of central zone (ECZ), plain area of Yeongnam inland mountainous zone (PMZ), and mountainous area of Yeongnam inland mountainous zone (MMZ). The order of $CH_4$ emission amounts from paddy fields by agricultural climatic zone were YIZ (100%) > ECZ (94.6%) > PMZ (91.6%) > MMZ (78.9%). The regression equation between $CH_4$ emission amounts from paddy fields and average air temperature of Jul. to Sep. of agricultural climatic zone was y = 389.7x-4,287 (x means average temperature of Jul. to Sep. of agricultural climatic zone, $R^2=0.906^*$)

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
• /
• v.110 no.3
• /
• pp.393-405
• /
• 2021

With increasing anthropogenic emission sources, air pollutants are emerging as a severe environmental problem worldwide. Accordingly, the importance of landscape trees is emerging as a potential solution to reduce air pollutants, especially in urban areas. This study quantified and compared NO₂ and SO₂ reduction abilities of ten major landscape tree species and analyzed the relationship between reduction ability and physiological and morphological characteristics. The results showed NO₂ reduction per leaf area was greatest in Cornus officinalis (19.81 ± 3.84 ng cm^-2 hr^-1) and lowest in Pinus strobus (1.51 ± 0.81 ng cm^-2 hr^-1). In addition, NO₂ reduction by broadleaf species (14.72 ± 1.32 ng cm^-2 hr^-1) was 3.1-times greater than needleleaf species (4.68 ± 1.26 ng cm^-2hr^-1; P < 0.001). Further, SO₂ reduction per leaf area was greatest in Zelkova serrata (70.04 ± 7.74 ng cm^-2 hr^-1) and lowest in Pinus strobus (4.79 ± 1.02 ng cm^-2 hr^-1). Similarly, SO₂ reduction by broadleaf species (44.21 ± 5.01 ng cm^-2 hr^-1) was 3.9-times greater than needleleaf species (11.47 ± 3.03 ng cm^-2 hr^-1; P < 0.001). Correlation analysis revealed differences in NO₂ reduction was best explained by chlorophyll b content (R² = 0.671, P = 0.003) and SO₂ reduction was best described by SLA and length of margin per leaf area (R² = 0.456, P = 0.032 and R² = 0.437, P = 0.001, R² = 0.872, P < 0.001, respectively). In summary, the ability of trees to reduce air pollutants was related to photosynthesis, evapotranspiration, stomatal conductance, and leaf thickness. These findings highlight effective reduction of air pollutants by landscaping trees requires comprehensively analyzing physiological and morphological species characteristics.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.50 no.4
• /
• pp.4-19
• /
• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.39
• /
• pp.95-130
• /
• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.