• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.61-84
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• 2023

In this paper, I tried to clarify the background of the strengthening of centralization in the central-local relations during the Xi Jinping period in terms of the institutional structure of elite politics through a comparative study of the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, the highest power body, during the time of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Compared to the Hu Jintao period, it is judged that the strengthening of centralization in the Xi Jinping era is being implemented not through the neutralization of institutionalized formal construction norms, but through the expansion of control within the norms. In other words, the institutionalized frame itself was not broken in the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, and local compliance with the central government centered on the general secretary was increased by exercising the right to control personnel more strongly.

• 월간 한농연
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• no.7
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• pp.22-25
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• 2002

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.41
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• pp.181-199
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• 2008

Many studies analyzing local newspapers' crisis overlooked what a dominant determinant was. Local Newspaper promotion policy might not be effective due to lack of such studies. This study divided main determinants into four; centralization of administrative power, potential advertising market, potential subscribers market, and competition within local newspapers. The results regressing above four determinants on local news portion showed that only two determinants - potential advertising market and competition within local newspapers are statistically significant but the direction is opposite; potential ads market is negative but competition is positive. It can be understood that the market with enough ads market for survival of local newspapers drives them to compete national newspapers by lowering local news.

• Agrochemical news magazine
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• v.24 no.7 s.190
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• pp.26-29
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• 2003

• Nuclear industry
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• v.23 no.6 s.244
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• pp.57-71
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• 2003

우리나라는 1990년대에 접어들면서 분권화는 피할 수 없는 시대적 요청으로 모든 부문의 주요과제가 되고 있다. 분권화의 핵심은 행정 권한과 역할의 지방 분권화를 의미하며, 지방 분권의 수준은 무엇보다도 행정 기능과 사무 배분을 어떻게 하느냐에 따라서 결정된다. 지금까지 원자력 안전 규제 기능은 중앙 정부가 독점하고 있었기 때문에 향후 중앙 집권화된 규제 기능을 어떻게 합리적으로 또 효과적으로 지방 정부에 이양하느냐가 원자력 안전 규제 제도의 최적화에 중요한 과제가 되고 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 중앙 정부와 지방 정부간 원자력 안전 규제 기능의 합리적$\cdot$효과적 배분을 위한 원칙과 기준, 유형과 모델을 제시하고 그에 따른 적실성 있는 기능 분담 대안을 모색하는데 있다.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.12
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• pp.291-308
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• 2006

A regular aperture occurs between persons controlled and a person governing the society according to national formation and development. A ruler is subdivided into a king, the President, or the highest controller who can feel the uncertainty of ruler's position. To protect those people, it is called guard that used all possible means and ways to protect those people or remove the danger. An opening of guard was related to enhancement of royal authority or centralism. Firstly a military organization had acted for this, but the organization gradually became independent according to it's subdivision and systematization. During the period of the Three States and Unified Silla, the guard was needed new management system by enhancement of royal authority, expansion of the territory, and establishment of centralism. The new management system that organized the group of vassal and Siweebu take charge of guarding the king or serving as private soldiers. In the end of Silla, as a wide range of reformation of government organization, the organization of vassal like Jungsasung and Sunkyosung that developed as not only guard the king and prince but also hold the business writing.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Military Science and Technology
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• v.21 no.6
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• pp.817-825
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• 2018

Recently, drones have been used in various field to overcome time and space limitations. However, single drone still has a lot of restriction on transportation wight and travel time. Therefore many studies have been conducted to increase the utilization by swarm of drones. Many things should be additionally considered in order to operate swarming drones securely. Especially the group key management is a challenging research topic in tactical domain due to existence of adversary that has anti-drone skill. In this paper, we proposed an efficient group key management scheme for tactical swarming drone networks where an adversary equipped with anti-drone skills exists. The group key can be updated with a small number of message exchange compared to other convenience schemes. The numerical and simulation results demonstrate that the proposed scheme manages the group key efficiently and securely.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.34
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• pp.233-258
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• 2013

In the early days of the Goryeo Dynasty, the royal guard was comprised of the central regular army in the 2-gun-6-wi system, and Nasungeomgun was in charge of the security inside the palace. However, the military system became disorganized during the period of military rule and the royal guard had to rely on military subjects. The military officials suppressed the civil ministers centering on Jungbang, the guarding organization close to the King to incapacitate the royal authority and control the state affairs. When the rule of the three leaders of the military rule became short-lived and Dae-seung Gyeong is raised to the ruler, he organized a do-or-die squad comprised of a hundred and more people for his personal safety, and this became the first dobang. Dobang was disassembled after Dae-seung Gyeong died of disease, but under the rule of Chung-heon Choe, Dae-seung Gyeong's dobang was revived and reinforced into 'Yukbeon Dobang' to provide the ruler with personal protection and intensify the ruling system, and it was quite a large organization with more refined system. Yukbeon Dobang was expanded and reinforced into Naeoedobang under the rule of Woo Choe, the son of Chung-heon Choe, and it was enhanced even more into Dobang Samsipyukbeon System under the rule of the grandson, Hang Choe. Dobang can be considered as the guard organization in modern sense, and it collected information and surveyed the area where guarding is required and house troops that belonged to Naedobang eliminated the risks that may follow afterwards to make assurance doubly sure for guarding. The Choe's regime established Mabyeolcho as a private guard organization in addition to dobang, and this formed the cavalry and infantry units with dobang. Yabyeolcho organized by Woo Choe in the reign of King Gojong was divided into Joabyeolcho and Ubyeolcho, and later Sineuigun was integrated with them to form Sambyeolcho. Originally, Yabyeolcho was established under the rule of Woo Choe to prevent crime in the evening, but after Sineuigun was organized with the ones who were captured by Mongolian army but escaped, in other words when Sambyeolcho was organized, the organization displayed much broader influence by covering military and police affairs as well as punishment and imprisonment. The guarding organization during the Period of Military Rule in the Goryeo Dynasty did not have strict distinction between official guard and personal guard. The private guard in modern days which is the equivalent of personal guard is characterized by its commerciality, however, house troops and the members of dobang did not seem to pursued profit. The guard organization during the period of military rule started from dobang which was organized for personal safety but gradually developed publicness through the participation of civil ministers and expansion, and later it played the pivotal role for social security serving official purpose up to the level where the distinction between official and private activities was blurred during the period of Sambyeolcho.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.347-375
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• 2008

영국지방정부 노사관계는 중앙집권적인 구도 속에도 개별 지방정부 차원에서의 자율이 허용되는 일종의 조정된 분권화의 모습을 보였다. 하지만 1980년대부터의 시장메커니즘의 도입 이후 일부 지방정부는 중앙의 현실인식부족을 강조하면서 중앙차원의 교섭구도에서 탈피하게 된다. 1997년의 교섭구도의 통합화 이후 보다 조정된 형태로의 변화를 기대했으나, 지부차원에서의 교섭자율화는 그대로 유지되었다. 하지만 중앙교섭의 영향력은 여전히 건재하며 이러한 측면에서 우리는 일종의 중앙과 지방의 상호결합이 나타나고 있다고 정의할 수 있다. 그동안 축적된 조직력과 경험이 이를 가능하게 했다고 보여진다. 또 다른 변화는 노사 파트너십의 도입인데 노동조합도 자신들의 입지 약화를 인정하면서 이러한 변화에 대해 긍정적인 입장이고, 더 이상 과거와 같은 대립적인 관계는 자신들에게 유리할 것이 없다는 인식이 확산되는 상황에서 점차적으로 파트너십의 관행이 영국 내 자리 잡을 것으로 기대된다. 여전히 중앙의 영향력이 있기는 하지만 분권화와 같은 변화는 현장 차원에서의 파트너십을 용이하게 할 수 있는 제도이기 때문이다. 결국 지방정부의 노사관계는 기존의 고도의 현대화의 하나인 제도적인 형태에서 철저한 성과압력 및 하위단계로의 권한 위임 등을 동반한 고도의 온정적인 모습 그리고 고도의 현대화의 또 다른 형태이자 보다 유연한 모습인 협의에 근거한 일종의 파트너십 등이 동시에 사용되어지는 다양하고 복잡한 모습으로 변해가고 있다고 정의할 수 있다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.