• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.2456-2470
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• 1971

Compaction of soil is very important for construction of soil structures such as highway fills, embankment of reservoir and seadike. With increasing compaction effort, the strength of soil, interor friction and Cohesion increas greatly while the reduction of permerbilityis evident. Factors which may influence compaction effort are moisture content, grain size, grain distribution and other physical properties as well as the variable method of compaction. The moisture content among these parameter is the most important thing. For making the maximum density to a given soil, the comparable optimum water content is required. If there is a slight change in water content when compared with optimum water content, the compaction ratio will decrease and the corresponding mechanical properties will change evidently. The results in this study of soil compaction with different water content are summarized as follows. 1) The maximum dry density increased and corresponding optimum moisture content decreased with increasing of coarse grain size and the compaction curve is steeper than increasing of fine grain size. 2) The maximum dry density is decreased with increasing of the optimum water content and a relationship both parameter becomes rdam-max=2.232-0.02785 $W_0$ But this relstionship will be change to $r_d=ae^{-bw}$ when comparable water content changes. 3) In case of most soils, a dry condition is better than wet condition to give a compactive effort, but the latter condition is only preferable when the liquid limit of soil exceeds 50 percent. 4) The compaction ratio of cohesive soil is greeter than cohesionless soil even the amount of coarse grain sizes are same. 5) The relationship between the maximum dry density and porosity is as rdmax=2,186-0.872e, but it changes to $r_d=ae^{be}$ when water content vary from optimum water content. 6) The void ratio is increased with increasing of optimum water content as n=15.85+1.075 w, but therelation becames $n=ae^{bw}$ if there is a variation in water content. 7) The increament of permeabilty is high when the soil is a high plasticity or coarse. 8) The coefficient of permeability of soil compacted in wet condition is lower than the soil compacted in dry condition. 9) Cohesive soil has higher permeability than cohesionless soil even the amount of coarse particles are same. 10) In generall, the soil which has high optimum water content has lower coefficient of permeability than low optimum water content. 11) The coefficient of permeability has a certain relations with density, gradation and void ratio and it increase with increasing of saturation degree.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.46-56
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• 2012

The research results of tracing the Landscape Philosophy of Hageowon garden(何去園) in Musu-dong, Daejon of Youhwadang, Kwon, Iijin(權以鎭, 1668-1734) is as below. The ideological background of the protagonist reflected in Hageowon is the Hyoje Ideology(filial piety and brotherly love, 孝弟) of Sinjongchuwon(painstakingly caring for one's ancestors), Musil ideology(pursuing ethical diligence and truthful mind, 務實) based on sadistic tradition and ethical rationalism, Confucionist Eunil Ideology(ideology on seclusion, 隱逸) of Cheonghanjiyeon(quiet relaxation, 淸閒之燕), and the Pungryu ideology(appreciation for the arts, 風流) of Taoism in the Taoist style. Thus, by substituting these ideological values into a space called Hageowon, the Byulup gardens(別業) such as the Symbolic garden(象徵園), meaning gaeden(意園), and miniascape garden(縮景園) were able to be constructed. 2) The space organization system of Hageowon is generally classified into three phases considering the hierarchy. The first territory is the transitional space having residential features, which is an area to reach peach tree - road(Taoist world 桃經) from Youhwadang(有懷堂). The second territory is a monumental memorial space where the Yocheondae(繞千臺), Jangwoodam(丈藕潭), Hwagae(花階), and the ancestral graves take place, centering on the yards of Sumanheon(收漫軒), and the third territory is the secluded space in the eastern outer garden where the mountain stream flows from the north to south and which is the vein of the left-hand blue dragon(靑龍) of the guardian mountain of Hageowon. 3) Symbolically, the first phase has symbolized the space as a meaningful scenery by overlapping the Confucionist place of Youhwadang - Gosudae(孤秀臺) - Odeokdae(五德臺), and the mystic world of Jukcheondang(竹遷堂) - peach tree - road(桃徑). The second phase, which is the space of Sumanheon(收漫軒), Yocheondae, and Jangwoodam, the symbolical value of Sinjongchuwon(愼終追遠) and the remembrance and longing for one's parents are reflected. The third phase, which is the eastern outer garden of Hageowon and where the mountain stream flows from the north to south, is composed of the east valley(東溪) - Hwalsudam(活水潭) - Sumi Waterfall(修眉瀑布). More specifically, (1) Mongjeong symbolizes the life of gaining knowledge through studying to realize one's foolishness, (2) Hwalsudam symbolizes a transcending attitude in life refusing to pursue wealth and fame, and (3) Jangwoodam symbolizes the gateway to the fairyland to enter the world of mystic gods. 4) The rationale behind Hageowon is that the two algorithms of Confucionism and Taoist Theory appear repeatedly and in an overlapping way. The Napoji(納汚池) and Hwalsudam, which pertains to the prelude of space development, has symbolized Susimyangseong(修心養成, meditating one's mind and improving one's nature), which is based on ethical rationalism. Moreover, if the Monjeong sphere pertaining to the eastern outer garden of Hageowon takes the Confucionist value system as its theme, including moral training, studying, and researching, Jangwudam, Sumi Waterfalls, and Unwa can be understood as a taste of Cheokbyeon(滌煩, eliminating troubles) for the arts where the mystic world is substituted as a meaningful scenery. 5) The miniascape technique called artificial mountain was substituted to Hageowon to construct a mystic world like the 12 peaks of Mt. Mu(巫山). By borrowing the symbolic meaning expressed in old poems, it has been named 'Habang(1/何放), Hwabong(2, 3/和峯), Chulgun(4, 5, 6/出群), Sinwan(7/神浣), Chwhigyu(8, 9, 10/聚糾), Cheomyo(11/處杳), Giyung(12/氣融).' The representative poet reciting artificial mountain were Wangeui(汪醫), Nosamgang(魯三江), Dubo(杜甫), Hanyou(韓愈), Jeonheaseong(錢希聖), and Beomseokho(范石湖). They related themselves with literature by transcending time and space and attempted to sing about the richness of the mental world by putting the mystic world and culture of appreciating the arts they pursued in the vacation home called Hageowon.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.115-155
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• 2009

As Korea was merged into Japan, the official documents during Kabo Reform and The Great Han Empire time were handed over to the Government-General of Chosun and reclassified from section based to ministry based. However they had been reclassified before many times. The footprints of reclassification can be found in the classification stamps and warehouse number stamps which remained on the cover of official documents from Kabo Reform to The Great Han Empire. They classified the documents by Section in the classification system of Ministry-Department-Section, stamped and numbered them. It is consistent with the official document classification system in The Great Han Empire, which shows the section based classification was maintained. Although they stamped by Section and numbered the documents, there were differences in sub classification system by Section. In the documents of Land Tax Section, many institutions can be found. The documents of the same year can be found in different group and documents of similar characteristics are classified in the same group. Customs Section and Other Tax Section seemed to number their documents according to the year of documents. However the year and the order of 'i-ro-ha(イロハ) song' does not match. From Kabo Reform to The Great Han Empire the documents were grouped by Section. However they did not have classification rules for the sub units of Section. Therefore, it is not clear if the document grouping of classification stamps can be understood as the original order of official document classification system of The Great Han Empire. However, given the grouping method reflects the document classification system, the sub section classification system of the Great Han Empire can be inferred through the grouping method. In this inference, it is understood that the classification system was divided into two such as 'Section - Counterpart Institution' and 'Section - Document Issuance Year'. The Government-General of Chosun took over the official documents of The Great Han Empire, stored them in the warehouse and marked them with Warehouse Number Stamps. Warehouse Number Stamp contained the Institution that grouped those documents and the documents were stored by warehouse. Although most of the documents on the shelves in each warehouse were arranged by classification stamp number, some of them were mixed and the order of shelves and that of documents did not match. Although they arranged the documents on the shelves and gave the symbols in the order of 'i-ro-ha(イロハ) song', these symbols were not given by the order of number. During the storage of the documents by the Government-General of Chosun, the classification system according to the classification stamps was affected. One characteristic that can be found in warehouse number stamps is that the preservation period on each document group lost the meaning. The preservation period id decided according to the historical and administrative value. However, the warehouse number stamps did not distinguish the documents according to the preservation period and put the documents with different preservation period on one shelf. As Japan merged Korea, The Great Han Empire did not consider the official documents of the Great Han Empire as administrative documents that should be disposed some time later. It considered them as materials to review the old which is necessary for the colonial governance. As the meaning of the documents has been changed from general administrative documents to the materials that they would need to govern the colony, they dealt with all the official documents of The Great Han Empire as the same object regardless of preservation period. The Government-General of Chosun destroyed the classification system of the Great Han Empire which was based on Section and the functions in the Section by reclassifying them according to Ministry when they reclassified the official documents during Kobo Reform and the Great Han Empire in order to utilize them to govern the colony.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.280-291
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• 2019

A. antiquum, first observed in Jeju Samdo Island in 1949, was designated as the Natural Monument No. 18 in December 1962 in recognition of its academic value. In Korea, it grows in nature only in Samdo in Jeju Island. Although its natural habitat was greatly damaged and almost destroyed due to firewood, stealing, etc. After the emancipation, it has been maintained by the transplantation and restoration. The site observed by this study has been managed as a restricted area since 2011. Since it has been about 20 years since the restoration of the native site in the 2000s, it is necessary to check the official management history records, such as the origin of transplantation and restoration to monitor the changes in the growth status and to control the habitat. As the results of this study, we have secured the records of cultural property management history, such as the identification of native species and the transplantation and restoration records. We also examined the change of the growth and development of A. antiquum 20 years after the restoration. There are no official records of the individuals transplanted to the restored natural habitat of A. antiquum in the 1970s and 1980s, and there was a controversy about the nativeness of those individuals that were restored and transplanted in 1974 since they were Japanese individuals. The studies of identifying native as the results of this study, we have secured the records of cultural property management history, such as the identification of native species and the transplantation and restoration records. We also examined the change of the growth and development of A. antiquum 20 years after the restoration. There are two sites in natural habitat in Samdo Island. A total of 65 individuals grow in three layers on three stone walls in a site while 29 individuals grow in two columns in the other site. A. antiquum grows in an evergreen broad-leaved forest dominated by Neolitsea sericea, and we did not find any other individuals of naturally growing A. antiquum outside the investigated site. This study checked the distribution of A. antiquum seedlings observed initially after the restoration. There were more than 300 seedling individuals, and we selected three densely populated sites for monitoring. There were 23 A. antiquum seedlings with 4 - 17 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 0.5 - 20 cm in monitoring site 1. There were 88 individuals with 5 - 6 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 1.3 - 10.4 cm in monitoring site 2 while there were 22 individuals with 5 - 9 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 4.5 - 12.1 cm in monitoring site 3. Although the natural habitat of A. antiquum was designated as a restricted public area in 2011, there is a high possibility that the habitat can be damaged because some activities, such as fishing and scuba diving are allowed. Therefore, it is necessary to enforce the law strictly, to provide sufficient education for the preservation of natural treasures, and to present accurate information about cultural assets.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.371-405
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• 2004

International circulation of cultural assets involves numerous countries thereby making an approach based on international law essential to resolving this problem. Since the end of the $2^{nd}$ World War, as the value of cultural assets evolved from material value to moral and ethical values, with emphasis on establishing national identities, newly independent nations and former colonial states took issue with ownership of cultural assets which led to the need for international cooperation and statutory provisions for the return of cultural assets. UNESCO's 1954 "Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict" as preparatory measures for the protection of cultural assets, the 1970 "Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property" to regulate transfer of cultural assets, and the 1995 "Unidroit Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects" which required the return of illegally acquired cultural property are examples of international agreements established on illegal transfers of cultural assets. In addition, the UN agency UNESCO established the Division of Cultural Heritage to oversee cultural assets related matters, and the UN since its 1973 resolution 3187, has continued to demonstrate interest in protection of cultural assets. The resolution 3187 affirms the return of cultural assets to the country of origin, advises on preventing illegal transfers of works of art and cultural assets, advises cataloguing cultural assets within the respective countries and, conclusively, recommends becoming a member of UNESCO, composing a forum for international cooperation. Differences in defining cultural assets pose a limitation on international agreements. While the 1954 Convention states that cultural assets are not limited to movable property and includes immovable property, the 1970 Convention's objective of 'Prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property' effectively limits the subject to tangible movable cultural property. The 1995 Convention also has tangible movable cultural property as its subject. On this point, the two conventions demonstrate distinction from the 1954 Convention and the 1972 Convention that focuses on immovable cultural property and natural property. The disparity in defining cultural property is due to the object and purpose of the convention and does not reflect an inherent divergence. In the case of Korea, beginning with the 1866 French invasion, 36 years of Japanese colonial rule, military rule and period of economic development caused outflow of numerous cultural assets to foreign countries. Of course, it is neither possible nor necessary to have all of these cultural properties returned, but among those that have significant value in establishing cultural and historical identity or those that have been taken symbolically as a demonstration of occupational rule can cause issues in their return. In these cases, the 1954 Convention and the ratification of the first legislation must be actively considered. In the return of cultural property, if the illicit acquisition is the core issue, it is a simple matter of following the international accords, while if it rises to the level of diplomatic discussions, it will become a political issue. In that case, the country requesting the return must convince the counterpart country. Realizing a response to the earnest need for preventing illicit trading of cultural assets will require extensive national and civic societal efforts in the East Asian area to overcome its current deficiencies. The most effective way to prevent illicit trading of cultural property is rapid circulation of information between Interpol member countries, which will require development of an internet based communication system as well as more effective deployment of legislation to prevent trading of illicitly acquired cultural property, subscription to international conventions and cataloguing collections.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.29
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• pp.175-223
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• 2011

A university is an organization charged with publicity and has accountability to the community for the operating process. Students account for a majority of members in a university. In universities, numerous creatures are pouring out every year and university students are major producers of these records. However, roles and functions of university students producing enormous amount of records as main agents of universities and focused concentration on produced records have not been made yet. It is reality that from the archival point of view, the importance of produced records of which main agents are university students has been relatively underestimated. In this background, this study attempted approach in archival point of view on records produced by university students, main agents. There are various types of records that university students produce such as records produced in the process of research and teaching as well as records produced in the process of various autonomy activities like clubs, students' associations. This study especially focused on university student autonomy activity process and placed emphasis on accountability securing measures on autonomy activity process of university students. To secure accountability of activities, records management should be based. Therefore, as a way to ensure accountability of unversity students autonomy activity, we tried to present records management systematization and records utilization measures. For this, a student body, a university student autonomy organization was analyzed and a student body of Myongji University Humanities Campus was selected as a specific target. First, to identify records management status, activities and organization and functions of the student body, we conducted an interview with the president of the student body. Through this, we analyzed the activities of the university student body and examined the necessity of accountability accordingly. Also, we derived the types and characteristics of records to be produced at each stage by analyzing the organization and functions of the student body of Myongji University. Like this, after deriving the types of production records according to the necessity, organization and functions of accountability and activities of the student body, we analyzed records management status of the present student body. First, to identify the general process status of activities of the student body, we analyzed activity process by stage of the student body of Myongji University. And we analyzed records management method of the student body and responsibility principal and conducted real condition analysis. Through this analysis, we presented the measures to ensure accountability of a university student body in three categories such as systematization of records management process, establishment of records management infrastructure, accountability guarantee measures. This study discussed accountability on society by analyzing activities and functions of a student body, targeting a student body, an autonomy organization of university students. And as a measure to secure accountability of a student body, we proposed a model for records management environment settlement. But in terms that a student body is an organization operated in one year basis, there is a limit that records management environment is hard to settle. This study pointed out this limit and was to provide clues when more active researches were carried out in the field of student records management in the future through presentation of student body records management model. Also, it is expected that the analysis results derived from this research will have significance in terms of school history arrangement and conservation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.217-253
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• 2020

This study analyzes the principles of the 'Earthly Paradise' (仙境, the realm of immortals), 'Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang' (陰陽合德), and the 'Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' (天地公事) while combining them with Joseon art. Therefore, this study aims to discover the context wherein the concept of Taiji in 'Daesoon Truth,' deeply penetrates into Joseon art. Doing so reveals how 'Daesoon Thought' is embedded in the lives and customs of the Korean people. In addition, this study follows a review of the sentiments and intellectual traditions of the Korean people based on 'Daesoon Thought' and creative works. Moreover, 'Daesoon Thought' brings all of this to the forefront in academics and art at the cosmological level. The purpose of this research is to vividly reveal the core of 'Daesoon Thought' as a visual image. Through this, the combination of 'Daesoon Thought' and Joseon art will secure both data and reality at the same time. As part of this, this study deals with the world of 'Daesoon Thought' as a cosmological Taiji principle. This concept is revealed in Joseon art, which is analyzed and examined from the viewpoint of art philosophy. First, as a way to make use of 'Daesoon Thought,' 'Daesoon Truth' was developed and directly applied to Joseon art. In this way, reflections on Korean life within 'Daesoon Thought' can be revealed. In this regard, the selection of Joseon art used in this study highlights creative works that have been deeply ingrained into people's lives. For example, as 'Daesoon Thought' appears to focus on the genre painting, folk painting, and landscape painting of the Joseon Dynasty, attention is given to verifying these cases. This study analyzes 'Daesoon Thought,' which borrows from Joseon art, from the perspective of art philosophy. Accordingly, attempts are made to find examples of the 'Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang' and Tai-Ji in Joseon art which became a basis by which 'Daesoon Thought' was communicated to people. In addition, appreciating 'Daesoon Thought' in Joseon art is an opportunity to vividly examine not only the Joseon art style but also the life, consciousness, and mental world of the Korean people. As part of this, Chapter 2 made several findings related to the formation of 'Daesoon Thought.' In Chapter 3, the structures of the ideas of 'Earthly Paradise' and 'Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang' were likewise found to have support. And 'The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' and Tai-Ji were found in depictions of metaphysical laws. To this end, the laws of 'The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' and the structure of Tai-Ji were combined. In chapter 4, we analyzed the 'Daesoon Thought' in the life and work of the Korean people at the level of the convergence of 'Daeesoon Thought' and Joseon art. The analysis of works provides a glimpse into the precise identity of 'Daesoon Thought' as observable in Joseon art, as doing so is useful for generating empirical data. For example, works such as Tai-Jido, Ssanggeum Daemu, Jusachaebujeokdo, Hwajogi Myeonghwabundo, and Gyeongdodo are objects that inspired descriptions of 'Earthly Paradise', 'Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang,' and 'The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth.' As a result, Tai-Ji which appears in 'Daesoon Thought', proved the status of people in Joseon art. Given all of these statements, the Tai-Ji idea pursued by Daesoon Thought is a providence that follows change as all things are mutually created. In other words, it was derived that Tai-Ji ideology sits profoundly in the lives of the Korean people and responds mutually to the providence that converges with 'Mutual Beneficence.'

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.1-34
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• 2020

It has been suggested that Jeungsan's prophetic poem that starts with the verse "For about seven or eight years, there will be a castle in the ancient country [七八年間古國城] ⋯" originally comes from Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄). Despite Jeungsan, himself, obviously having been critical of that text, this claim has become the basic grounds for discourse suggesting that Jeungsan was not only interested in Prophecies of Jeong Gam but also considerably influenced by the text. However, the claim itself was formulated due to misunderstandings of the Chinese poems that had been included in A Compilation of Secret Prophecies Hidden in the Family-clan of Seogye (西溪家臧訣). These poems pursue a different ideological orientation than the poem from Prophecies of Jeong Gam. Ultimately, the Chinese poem in the verse 84 the chapter titled, Prophetic Elucidations in The Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe cannot provide a basis for the claim that Jeungsan was strongly influenced by Prophecies of Jeong Gam. This claim that Prophecies of Jeong Gam made a deep impact on Jeungsan and Daesoon Thought was based on three other texts outside of those that appear within verse 84 of Prophetic Elucidations. The first supposedly-related line is: "Heaven opens at the period of the Rat (Ja 子), Earth opens at the period of the Ox (Chuk 丑), humankind starts at the period of the Tiger (Ihn 寅)." This line comes from from Shao Kangjie's Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles (皇極經世), and the line could be quoted idiomatically as an expression in the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, attempts to relate Daesoon Thought to Prophecies of Jeong Gam are a distortion that arise from the assumption that Jeungsan had a significant interest in Prophecies of Jeong Gam. The second related line is "At the foot of Mount Mother (母岳山), a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山下 金佛能言]." That line is nearly identical to the verse "On the summit of Mount Mother, a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山頭 金佛能言]." Yet, Jeungsan changed '頭 (du, the summit)' to '下 (ha, the foot or under)' and express his own unique religious prophecy. This allusion to the prophecies of Jeong Gam is actually a criticism designed to disprove the earlier prophecy. Third, is the verse, "The form of Buddhism, creation of daoism, and propriety of Confucianism [佛之形體仙之造化儒之凡節]," which is characteristically related to Daesoon Thought. This verse can only be found in the prophetic text, Prophecies of Chochang (蕉蒼訣), and it is provided a main source when alleging that Prophecies of Jeong Gam was an influence on Daesoon Thought. However, considering the context of Prophecies of Chochang and the year of its publication (it is assumed to be compiled after 1950s), this does not hold water as Jeungsan had already passed into Heaven several decades before that time. This disqualifies the verse from being a basis for asserting Prophecies of Jeong Gam as an influence on Daesoon Thought. Contrary to the original assertion, there is a considerable amount of evidence that Prophecies of Chochang absorbed aspects of Daesoon Thought, which were simply revised in a novel way. There is no truly compelling evidence underpinning the argument that Prophecies of Jeong Gam had a unilateral impact on Daesoon Thought. There seems to be a great deal of confusion and numerous misinterpretations on this matter. Therefore, the claim that Daesoon Thought, as developed by Jeungsan, was influenced by the discourse on dynastic revolution and feng shui contained in Prophecies of Jeong Gam should be re-examined at the level of its very premise.

• Maritime Security
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-53
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• 2022

One manifestation of the contemporary era of renewed great power competition has been the deepening relationship between China and Russia. Their strengthening military ties, notwithstanding their lack of a formal defense alliance, have been especially striking. Since China and Russia deploy two of the world's most powerful navies, their growing maritime cooperation has been one of the most significant international security developments of recent years. The Sino-Russian naval exercises, involving varying platforms and locations, have built on years of high-level personnel exchanges, large Russian weapons sales to China, the Sino-Russia Treaty of Friendship, and other forms of cooperation. Though the joint Sino-Russian naval drills began soon after Beijing and Moscow ended their Cold War confrontation, these exercises have become much more important during the last decade, essentially becoming a core pillar of their expanding defense partnership. China and Russia now conduct more naval exercises in more places and with more types of weapons systems than ever before. In the future, Chinese and Russian maritime drills will likely encompass new locations, capabilities, and partners-including possibly the Arctic, hypersonic delivery systems, and novel African, Asian, and Middle East partners-as well as continue such recent innovations as conducting joint naval patrols and combined arms maritime drills. China and Russia pursue several objectives through their bilateral naval cooperation. The Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation Between the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation lacks a mutual defense clause, but does provide for consultations about common threats. The naval exercises, which rehearse non-traditional along with traditional missions (e.g., counter-piracy and humanitarian relief as well as with high-end warfighting), provide a means to enhance their response to such mutual challenges through coordinated military activities. Though the exercises may not realize substantial interoperability gains regarding combat capabilities, the drills do highlight to foreign audiences the Sino-Russian capacity to project coordinated naval power globally. This messaging is important given the reliance of China and Russia on the world's oceans for trade and the two countries' maritime territorial disputes with other countries. The exercises can also improve their national military capabilities as well as help them learn more about the tactics, techniques, and procedures of each other. The rising Chinese Navy especially benefits from working with the Russian armed forces, which have more experience conducting maritime missions, particularly in combat operations involving multiple combat arms, than the People's Liberation Army (PLA). On the negative side, these exercises, by enhancing their combat capabilities, may make Chinese and Russian policymakers more willing to employ military force or run escalatory risks in confrontations with other states. All these impacts are amplified in Northeast Asia, where the Chinese and Russian navies conduct most of their joint exercises. Northeast Asia has become an area of intensifying maritime confrontations involving China and Russia against the United States and Japan, with South Korea situated uneasily between them. The growing ties between the Chinese and Russian navies have complicated South Korean-U.S. military planning, diverted resources from concentrating against North Korea, and worsened the regional security environment. Naval planners in the United States, South Korea, and Japan will increasingly need to consider scenarios involving both the Chinese and Russian navies. For example, South Korean and U.S. policymakers need to prepare for situations in which coordinated Chinese and Russian military aggression overtaxes the Pentagon, obligating the South Korean Navy to rapidly backfill for any U.S.-allied security gaps that arise on the Korean Peninsula. Potentially reinforcing Chinese and Russian naval support to North Korea in a maritime confrontation with South Korea and its allies would present another serious challenge. Building on the commitment of Japan and South Korea to strengthen security ties, future exercises involving Japan, South Korea, and the United States should expand to consider these potential contingencies.