• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.111-131
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• 2017

Korean Shamanism has long been regarded as the peripheral cult or supersition by the majoriy of the society. This fact is a result by the influence of the mass media, especially the motion pictures, which intentionally reflected the negative images of the Shamanism. The documentary films, which stress the objectivity and the reality, rather disclose the neutral position toward the Shamanism. In fact, the directors of the documentary films who have more or less close relationship with the Shamanism have tried to exhibit the mental world and the traditionality of the Shamanism. In this paper, I will explore the value of Shamanism reflected in the documentary films. I focus of two films; directed by the Korean and directed by a foreigner. In this way, I can compare the attitudes of the two directors toward the Korean Shamanism. The director of confessed that he was attracted by the aspect of a musical underlied in the shaman ritual. However, the film does not show the artistic beauty of the shaman music because the director failed to understand the essential aspect of the shaman ritual, that is, the music. In this way, the director failed to show the distinct characteristics of the shamanism to the audience. The director of , a music herself, was focused on the music of the shamanism. The story flows to the adventure to seek a "master" with a long journey to enjoy diverse genres of Korean performing arts. This story resembles the epic shaman song, the Princess Bari. In this way, the audience can easily grasp the beauty of Korean culture. Music is said to be a universal language and, at the same time, a non-universal language which reflects a special trait of a cultural community. The Korean shaman ritual music is a non-universal language that is an accumulation of the Korean culture for a long time. The Korean director fails to exhibit the essential characteristics of the Shamanism since he does not have enough knowledge toward the shaman ritual music in . However, the foreign director, who is a music herself, successively disclose the underlying beauty of Korean shaman ritual music and Korean traditional culture in .

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.231-266
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• 2014

The main contents of Baopuzi inner chapters becomes the basis for the claim "to be achieved Xian the way people can be" named and Shenxian theory that is deployed in the center of the universe body theory with a focus on Xuan and YI and Tao and a problem of "demonstration of Shenxian exist", or ancient science that describes the Chinese alchemy and Taoism spell in other words, inner chapters are writing and how to get prescription way of Shenxian, of medicine to become a predecessors, elephant of some of the changes in the ghost apparition, the longevity, how to avoid the epidemic out of the evil. Inner chapters are presented a regimen thought, the rationale for its mystical religion and philosophy of Monasticism ship on the basis of the theory Shenxian so. Baopuzi Inner chapters is presented in detail how to reach a comprehensive and realistic Shenxian long life in prison without the pre-Qin dynasty Taoism and Qinhan dynasty and times across the Weijin dynasty Shenxian ideas. And is presented in a typical Waidan and Neidan Taoism exercise this system and that in Taoism (Regimen) Thought the important position. Thought of Regimen is very important right information Inner chapters which constitutes the establishment of an important theoretical basis Shenxian Taoism of Gehong this research right in that you can see at a glance the thought of Regimen of Inner chapters is the desperate need for this requirement. It aims to illuminate the entire look of Regimen ever appeared immediately in Inner chapters this paper. After the analysis of the body Tao theory, The theory of the body and the spirit, The theory of Xingming, The theory of Shenxian theoretical foundations of thought appeared in Inner chapters Based on this, the first one conducted regulating the qi flowing in the channels method, Daoyin method, Pranayama, Closed breath, I saw one at the specifics of regimen method such, art of controlling and swallowing breath from the mouth, Convinced, Tuna breathing, Sishenshouyi method, Jinehuandan method, Fangzhongshu. And reporting features found Inner chaptersfinally saw the spirit of Regimen weigh its value.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.1-50
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• 2016

This paper aims to investigate the cultural conflicts and characteristics of anti-Korean Wave discourse taken placed among Southeast Asian countries. To do this, it takes Vietnam and Indonesia as the study cases, which have been showing a trend of anti-Korean Wave discourse as well as high popularity of Hallyu. As research methods, the paper analyzes both on-line discourses of anti-Korean Wave and the email audience interviews from both countries. The results show some significant differences between the two countries as well as the similarity that Anti-Korean Wave discourses have been actively produced and disseminated through on-line media. As for Indonesia, the Anti-Korean Wave discourse pivots on the elements clashing between Indonesia's religion and cultural values and Korean consuming culture. According to the Anti-Korean Wave discourse, K-pop contents and entertainers are criticized for damaging the society's morals and cultural identities based on Islamic rules and values. Thus, the sentiment of the Anti-Korean Wave is likely to lead to the cultural nationalism for the sake of their cultural identity. As for Vietnam, anti-Korean Wave discourse mainly consists of issues on enthusiastic K-pop fans' anti-social behaviors and generational conflicts which are presumed attributed as the chief factor of the Anti-Korean Wave. In the Vietnamese discourse, social elites and adults treat the enthusiastic K-pop fans as those who are in need of educational care or psychological therapy. Unlike the Indonesian case, anti-Korean Wave discourse in Vietnam criticized the K-pop and the performer's competence for being cheap sexy and incompetence. They also denounce Korean dramas for their trite, typical story lines, use of excessive emotion, and unrealistic nature. However, the two country's interview participants have in common both acknowledged that rather than considering the Anti-Korean Wave as an issue that needs to be resolved it should be embraced as a natural cultural phenomenon.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.21
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• pp.323-367
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• 2013

한국의 대순진리회는 증산 성사의 가르침을 숭신하는 종교단체로서, 한국 사회에 상당한 영향력을 가지고 있다. 1969년 창설된 대순진리회는 포덕·교화·수도를 삼대 기본사업으로, '음양합덕·신인조화·해원상생·도통진경'을 종지로, '안심·안신·경천·수도'를 사강령으로, '성·경·신'을 수도의 삼요체로 삼고 있다. 또한 인간개조와 포덕천하·구제창생·보국안민을 통하여 지상천국을 건설하는 것을 목표로 한다. 대순진리회는 사상적 측면에서 무(巫)와 유(儒)·불(佛)·도(道)를 포용하고 있다. 이러한 대순사상을 바탕으로 대순진리회의 도인들은 근엄하고 세밀한 실천수도를 수행하는데, 그 내용을 살펴보면 중국 유·불·도의 양생문화와 많은 공통점이 있는 동시에, 또한 뚜렷한 한국 문화의 특색을 띠는 부분도 있다. 이런 면들은 모두 개인적 수도와 사회적 안정을 실현하는 데 큰 도움이 되고 있다. '안심·안신·경천·수도'의 사강령은 대순진리회의 도인들이 지켜야 할 가장 기본적인 행위규범이다. '성·경·신'의 삼요체는 사강령을 실천하기 위한 내면적 수양으로서 모든 수도활동의 근본이 되는 것이다. 삼요체 중에서 '성'을 가장 근본적인 것으로 생각하는데, 그 이유는 오직 '성'을 갖춘 사람만이 '경'과 '신'을 논할 수 있기 때문이다. 반대로 마음속에 망념이 있거나 경거망동을 하는 사람들은 상제에 대한 '경'과 '신'을 잃게 된다. '성실함'이라는 내면적 도덕 품성은 인간으로 하여금 더욱 정직하고 안정되며 오래 지속되게 한다. 뿐만 아니라 '성'은 수도자들로 하여금 더욱 순수해지고, 어리석음을 버리게 한다. 크나큰 도를 성취하려면 먼저 이렇게 얼핏 보기에는 어리석지만 끈기 있는 마음이 필요하다. '성'하면 기운이 솟구쳐 내면이 더욱 안정되고 번뇌는 사라진다. 성심을 수련하면 마음이 안정되고, 마음이 안정되면 정신이 안정되는데, 정신이 안정되면 걱정이 사라지기에 몸도 건강해진다. 삼요체중 '경'과 '신'에 있는 큰 의미 가운데 하나는 상제님에 대한 경배와 믿음을 끝까지 가지라는 것이다. '해원상생·보은상생'은 대순사상의 가장 중요한 대도(大道) 윤리로서 도인들의 수도를 인도하는 기본적인 법칙이다. 대순진리회에서 말하는 해원은 단지 개인 한 사람의 해원이 아니라 우주의 질서를 바로잡는 해원이라는 점에서 중요하다. 그렇기 때문에 대순진리회 도인들은 개개인으로 시작하여 자신의 원한을 해결할 뿐만 아니라, 땅의 원한, 천민의 원한, 여인의 원한 등 모든 원을 해결해 주고자 한다. 즉 삼계의 모든 불평등을 해소하고 불합리한 부분을 바로잡는 것이다. 해원의 다른 측면은 보은이라 할 수 있다. 해원과 보은은 상보상조의 관계에 있는데, 이는 곧 도인들이 행하는 수도의 양 날개라 생각된다. 해원을 통하여 과거의 장애를 제거하고, 보은을 통하여 현재의 덕을 쌓는 것이다. 보은을 하려면 항상 감사의 마음을 간직해야 한다. 그 의미는 인간관계에 있어서 다른 사람이 베푼 은혜를 항상 고맙게 생각해야 한다는 것이며, 더 나아가 천지가 우리에게 베푼 은혜도 감사하게 생각해야 한다는 것이다. 모든 원한이 풀어지고, 모든 은혜를 다 갚았을 때 삼계가 조화롭고 통하게 될 것이다. 대순진리회에서는 도인들의 실천수도 면에서 두 가지 측면을 강조하는데, 즉 포덕교화와 근언신행이다. 근언신행은 자아발전을 위한 도인들의 내적 수련이며, 포덕교화는 도인들이 외부 세상에 대순사상을 알리고 가르치는 것을 말한다. 양자는 동전의 양면과 같이 떨어질 수 없는 관계에 있다. 다른 사람을 포덕·교화 하려면 도인들 스스로가 먼저 말과 행동에 조심해야 한다. 왜냐하면 말과 행동을 조심하는 것 자체가 곧 포덕교화에서 다른 사람의 모범이 되기 때문이다. 인생을 살면서 추구해야 할 가장 높은 목표는 덕(德)을 세우는 것이고, 그 다음은 공(功)을 세우는 것이며, 그 다음은 언(言)을 세우는 것이다. 덕·공·언은 세월이 지나도 그 가치가 빛을 바래지 않는다. 이 세 가지 중 한 가지를 이룬 사람이면 불후하다고 할 수 있다. 성인들이 성인으로 칭송 받았던 이유는 모두 육체를 초월한 덕·공·언으로 세상을 풍요롭게 했기 때문이다. 그렇기 때문에 비록 그들이 세상을 떠났다 하더라도 마치 살아있는 것처럼 영원히 추앙되니, 이것을 통하여 영생을 얻는 것이다. '영생(永生)' 만큼 높은 경지에 도달하는 '양생'이 또 어디에 있겠는가? 대순진리회 실천수도의 최고목표는 바로 인간 내면의 수양을 최고의 경지로 끌어올리는 것으로서 이는 곧 음양합덕·도통진경이다. 다시 말해서 영원히 불후한 경지에 이르고 만세(萬歲)토록 영생하는 것이며 신(神) 그리고 성인이 되는 것이다.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.115-131
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• 2020

Through literature research and field investigation, this paper attempts to study the distribution, morphology and the typification of the visual and perceptual stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok of China. The results are as follows: First, there are 350 stone inscriptions in total from the 1^st Gok to 9^th Gok in Wuyi-Gugok. Second, according to the analysis of the stone inscription distribution, 74(21.2%) stone inscriptions in the 5^th Gok, 67(19.2%) in the 6^th Gok, 65(18.6%) in the 1^st Gok, 60(17.2%) in the 2^nd Gok and 53(15.2%) in the 4^th Gok are confirmed. The above five Goks contain 319(91.1%) stone inscriptions, so they have rich cultural landscape. Third, according to the survey, the number of the stone inscriptions existed in the Sugwangseok of the 1^st Gok are 41(22.6%), in the Homagan of Cheonyubong of the 6^th Gok are 29(8.3%), in the Jesiam of the 4^th Gok are 23(6.6%), in the Nyeongam of the 2^nd Gok are 22(6.3%), in the Hyangseongam of the 6^th Gok are 21(6%), in the Unwa of the 5^th Gok are 19(5.4%), in the Bokhoam of the 5^th Gok are 18(5.1%), in the Eunbyeongbong of the 5^th Gok are 17(4.9%), in the Daejangbong of the 4^th Gok are 14(4%), in the Daewangbong of the 1^st Gok and the Geumgokam of the 4^th Gok are 12(3.4%). Thus, a total of 228 (65.1%) stone inscriptions are concentrated in these 11 sites, which represent the popularity and cultural value of these rocks. Fourth, the stone inscription of Wuyi-Gugok, praising the landform and topographical geological landscape of Mount Wuyi, mainly describe the scenic name of each Gok related to Zhu Xi's Gugok culture, appreciate Zhu Xi's tracks and the stone inscription in the sacred land of Neo-Confucianism culture, and also record the Confucian edification of mencius thoughts, Muigun(武夷君) and the myths and legends related to the site names of Wuyi mountain, which can remind people of the worldview of the celestial paradise where the gods live and the fairyland of the land of peach blossoms. In addition, it indicates that the historical and cultural landscape, which is full of colorful history and myths and legends, including allusions related to Confucian, buddhist and Taoist celebrities and the ancestor ancient things related to traditional culture of China is very diverse. Fifth, the results of the classification, based on the content of the stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok, are classified as the scenery name inscription, the praise scene inscription, the recording travel inscription, the recording event inscription, the philosophy inscription, the expressing emotion inscription, the religion inscription, the inscription for auspiciousness, the slogan and expressing ambition inscription and the official document notice inscription, among which there are 102(29.1%) praise scene inscriptions, 93(26.6%) scenery name inscriptions and 61(17.4%) recording travel inscriptions. The stone inscriptions of Wuyi-Gugok have the characteristics of the special emphasis on scenery names, landscape praise and commemorative tours. Sixth, the analysis of the intertext between the 「Figure of Wuyi-Gugok」 and Wuyi-Gugok rock letters, in the study found that the method of propagation between media was mostly the method of propagation of quotations and maintained intermedia through extension, repetition, extension, and compression.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.215-249
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• 2011

This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.