• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.9-38
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• 2018

Joseon Neo-Confucianism had important disputes throughout its hundred years of history. Starting in mid-16th century, Four-Seven Dispute focused on 'Qing (情, emotion)' while Horak Dispute that emerged in early 18th century put emphasis on whether people and things have the same 'Xing (性, nature).' These two disputes lasted until late Joseon. In that process, their issues were clearly recognized and consequently, characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism were well demonstrated. With Western power surging in since mid-18th century, Joseon Neo-Confucianism should develop logic to cope with the Western power. One of responding logics was Zhulilun (主理論, theory of reason) in Neo-Confucianism. Diverse discussions particularly on 'Xin (心, mind)' were expansively made. From the notion of Xin Tong Xing Qing (心統性情) that Xin converges with Xing and Qing, an argument that Xin should be seen as 'Li (理, reason)' and another that Xin is basically 'Qi (氣, force of nature)' were up against each other. The academia heated up with issues raised such as whether Xin and Mingde (明德, bright virtue) are the same notion and whether Mingde should be seen as 'Li' or 'Qi', etc. Defining morality dispute in the late Joseon along with Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute as 'three major disputes in Joseon Neo-Confucianism,' this paper focuses on clarifying their status, actuality and significance. Morality dispute was not only a theoretical dispute. It has significance in the aspect of 'topicality.' It directly and indirectly affected movements against Western and Japanese power, loyal troop's activities and independence movement as well. Compared to Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute, morality dispute is more complex and expansive. In addition, it requires systematic organization of data. Intercomparison of three major disputes is one of key topics to determine characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.275-294
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• 2008

The specific concern of 'Xing'(形) & 'Shen'(神) theory is considering the body and the soul of human being. If either of the body and the soul including the life of human as of basic items is not existed, it may not seem to be alive. A great number of philosophers during 'Dong-Jin Northern & Southern Dynasty'(東晉南北朝) had the most active and furthest discussion throughout the history of China to study the concerns; Having a question such as "Where the body and the soul come out around us?", "What is the essence of complicated and delicate mental operation?" "Are there any relationships between the body and the soul?" and then "How do the human soul exist after death?" First, during 'Don-Jin' period as body and soul theory was based on 'Yin'(陰) and 'Yang'(陽). 'He Cheng Tian'(何承天) said that everything which was burn on earth should die because the soul couldn't stay the dead body longer. In the same age, 'Ming Fo Run'(明佛論) and 'Da Xing Run'(達性論) which denied that the soul couldn't exist forever were main topics of the discuss among the distinguished philosophers. Next, during 'Northern & Southern dynasty', body and soul theory was divided into two. First of all, body and soul of 'Heng Cun'(恒存) might be harmonized, however, that was not perfectly put together. Because, after human death, even if the body of human might be existed, the soul left elsewhere but always stayed around us. The body was the soul which meant that the soul was to the nature of the body and the body was to the usage of soul. Many philosophers insisted that nobody meant no soul according to 'Shen Bu Mie Run'(神不滅論) and 'Shen Mie Run'(神滅論) which was the main topic as an academic argument in those days. Finally, during Dong-Jin dynasty covered the significance of Body and Soul theory and analyzed the influence into the history of the history philosophy in china.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.163-202
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• 2009

The poems of Shin Suk-ju can be divided into two periods around the political change by King Sejo; his poems from the former period show that the poet enjoyed abundant pride and leisurely spirit in the self-satisfying world driven by his determination to maintain a pure heart and save and awaken the people during the reign of King Sejong. His ideology of awakening the people, however, was the product of his heroic consciousness to achieve immortal fame. It was his heroic consciousness and determination to sacrifice his life for fame according to the mandate from Heaven that made him join the political change by King Sejo. His poems from the latter period clearly reveal that the way of his life to pursue fame didn't bring him spiritual satisfaction and happiness. He confessed that his conscience was destroyed as he joined King Sejo in his political change and the deeds he achieved and further his life itself were all in vain. He lost the values or orders he pursued, which caused instability in his life. Facing such instability head-on, he argued that right and wrong, true and false, and good and evil mentioned in the world were all subjective and groundless. Furthermore, he realized all the things and creatures of the world were nothing but phantoms. Those perceptions he had were based on Madhyamaka of Buddhism. Going through such a thinking process, the poet wrote about his mentality of a false reputation with ideal mentality. Heroic consciousness, Buddhist thinking, and pursuit of mentality of a false reputation found in his poems make also frequent appearances in the poems by major literary men in the latter half of the 15th century such as Seo Geo-jeong. His serious searches to overcome his conscientious agony and sense of futility about life had influences on the attitudes toward life and literature of the official literary men of the times. Seong Hyeon's statement that the major literary figures of the times inherited the literary tradition of Shin Suk-ju was not a rhetoric by courtesy.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.49-57
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• 2020

Traditional landscape is a cultural asset left by Seonhyeon to modern society, and it can not only understand the landscape culture of ancient tradition but also provides / provided a new creative material for modern landscape designs / designed. However, it is well known that Korea and China have a relationship between the development and exchange of landscaping in a global background, the succession of traditional landscape architecture culture in a global background covers many dimensions, including protection, development and innovation, and that "traditional and modern" and "regionally and internationality" should be harmonized with each other. This study uses traditional Korean and Chinese landscaping buildings as research subjects to extract and organize related data through various channels, including basic literature research that understands the history and culture of the two countries. I interpreted the cultural backgrounds of the two countries by dividing them into religious ideas, traditional culture, and natural views, and highlighted the history of development and the relationship between the two countries. Based on this, it analyzed the differences created by traditional landscaping between Korea and China, and also specifically analyzed the "creation of righteous army" and "the law of righteous army." In particular, this study sought to inherit and innovate traditional landscape culture for the internationalization of "One Belt, One Road" based on the characteristics of Korea and China's landscape through a comparative analysis of the construction elements and methods of Yihwawon of the Ming and Qing periods and Gyeongbokgung Palace of the Joseon Dynasty on the theoretical background of landscaping and the significance of landscaping. The direction for the development and exchange with landscaping between the two countries was presented in line with the development trend of Korea-China landscaping in the global environment. In the future, the development of landscaping between the two countries is expected to be key to international cooperation in traditional culture, creative combination of local characteristics, creation of a harmonious landscape architecture environment, and co-prosperity of various cultures.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.118-135
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• 2020

It is not uncommon in Korea to see the structure and function of a garden remain intact as well as its form. Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House (Gyeonggi-do Cultural Heritage Item No. 55), located in Sang-myeon, Gapyeong-gun, Gyeonggi-do, is considered an example of very valuable garden heritage, although its family history, location, and remaining buildings and natural cultural assets are not fully intact. Along with Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House, this study attempted to explore the possibility of restoration of the forest houses and gardens by highlighting the high value of Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House through research into the typical layout of private households in northern Gyeonggi Province and Gapyeong County, comparative review of aerial photographs from 1954, and interviews with those involved. The results of the study are as follows: In this study, the presence of Banggye-dongmun and Bansukam in the Banggyecheon area, where the location of the garden was well-preserved, was examined across the landscape of the outer garden, while the location of Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House, the appearance of feng shui, and the viewing axis were considered. Also, the appearance of the lost main house was inferred from the arrangement and shape of the Sarangchae and Haengrangchae that remain in the original garden, and the asymmetry of the Sarangchae Numaru and the hapgak shape on the side of the roof. In addition, the three tablets (Pyeonaeks) of Sanggodang (尙古堂), Bangyejeongsa (磻溪精舍), and Okgyeongsanbang (玉聲山房) were used to infer the landscape, use, and symbolism of the men's quarters. Also, a survey was conducted on the trees that existed or existed in the high prices. Incidentally, it was confirmed that information on boards and cultural properties of Yeonha-ri juniper (Gyeonggi-do Monument No. 61) was recorded to a much lesser extent than the actual required standard, and the juniper trees remaining in the front of Haengrangchae should also be re-evaluated after speculation. On the other hand, as a result of estimating the original shape as a way of pursuing completeness of the garden through restoration of the lost women's quarters and shrine, it is estimated that the main house was placed in the form of a '口' or a 'be warped 口' on the right (north) side of the men's quarters. By synthesizing these results, a restoration alternative for Yi Cheon-bo's Historic House was suggested.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.11-37
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• 2021

Korean ginseng is the one of the most famous medicinal herbs globally and has long been a representative item of East Asian trade, including across China and Japan. Since Joseon (1392-1910) ginseng trade was entirely controlled by the state, The Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty are a valuable resource that can shed light on the history of the ginseng industry at that time. By studying the subsection "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" (世宗實錄), when ginseng was used even more widely, we assess the purpose and scale of its trade in the 15th century, identify its original listing in the geographical appendix, develop a distribution map, and explore similarities to current ginseng cultivation areas. During the reign of King Sejong (1418-1450), ginseng was sent to China as a tribute 101 times, with a combined weight of 7,060 kilograms, with less than one-third of that amount given to Japan and Okinawa. It was used to cover the travel expenses of foreign envoys and servants, but this can be seen to gradually decrease after the regnal mid-term, primarily due to a decrease in the amount of ginseng being collected. At the time, there were 113 areas of naturally growing ginseng as listed in the records' geographical appendix, including 12 recorded in the 'tributes' category: Yeongdeok-gun, Yeongju, and Cheongsong-gun in Gyeongsangbuk-do; Ulju-gun and Ulsan in Gyeongsangnam-do; Jeongeup, Wanju-gun, and Jangsu-gun in Jeollabuk-do; Hwasun-gun in Jeollanam-do; Goksan-gun and Sinpyeong-gun in Hwanghaebuk-do; Jeongju and Taecheon-gun in Pyeonganbuk-do; and Jaseong-gun and Junggang-gun in Jagang-do. A total of 101 places are recorded in the 'medicinal herbs' category, located throughout the mountains of the eight Joseon provinces, except the islands. In comparison with current ginseng cultivation sites, many of these historical areas are either consistent with or adjacent to contemporary locations. The geographical appendix to "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" was compiled in the early days of the king's reign (1432) when there was a lot of wild ginseng. The appendix is a valuable resource that indicates the possibility of growing ginseng on the Korean Peninsula in the future. The apparently natural habitats in the south, where ginseng is not currently cultivated, could be candidates for the future. Moreover, areas in the north where ginseng has not been grown, except Kaesǒng, could be a good alternative under sustainable inter-Korean exchange should cultivation sites move north due to climate warming.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.24-37
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• 2021

This study was conducted to newly examine the original landscape of Buyongjeong(芙蓉亭) and Juhamnu(宙合樓) areas in Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮), focusing on the modern period including the Korean Empire, and to derive useful research results for restoration and maintenance in the future. The study results can be summarized as follows. First, the artificial island in Buyongji(芙蓉池) was originally made up of a straight layer using well-trimmed processed stone. However, during the maintenance work in the 1960s and 1970s, the artificial island in Buyongji was transformed into a mixture of natural and processed stones. The handrail installed on the upper part of the artificial island in Buyongji is a unique facility that is hard to find similar cases. The handrail existed even during the Korean Empire, but was completely destroyed during the Japanese colonial period. Second, Chwibyeong(翠屛), which is currently located on the left and right of Eosumun(魚水門), is the result of a reproduction based on Northern bamboo in 2008. Although there is a view that sees the plant material of Eosumun Chwibyeong as Rigid-branch yew, the specific species is still vague. Looking at the related data and circumstances from various angles, at least in the modern era, it is highly probable that the Eosumun Chwibyeong was made of Chinese juniper like Donggwanwangmyo Shrine(東關王廟) and Guncheongung(乾淸宮) in Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮). Third, the backyard of Juhamnu was a space with no dense trees on top of a stone staircase-shaped structure. The stone stairway in the backyard of Juhamnu was maintained in a relatively open form, and it also functioned as a space to pass through the surrounding buildings. However, as large-scale planting work was carried out in the late 1980s, the backyard of Juhamnu was maintained in the same shape as a Terraced Flower Bed, and it was transformed into a closed space where many flowering plants were planted. Fourth, Yeonghwadang Namhaenggak(暎花堂 南行閣), which had a library function like Gyujanggak(奎章閣) and Gaeyuwa(皆有窩), was destroyed in the late 1900s and was difficult to understand in its original form. Based on modern photographs and sketch materials, this study confirmed the arrangement axis of Yeonghwadang Namhaenggak, and confirmed the shape and design features of the building. In addition, an estimated restoration map referring to 「Donggwoldo(東闕圖)」 and 「Donggwoldohyung(東闕圓形)」 was presented for the construction of basic data.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.64-75
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to illuminate the meaning of the soundscapes of two bells, Daeheung-dong Cathedral and Sungsimdang in Eunghang-dong, which are landmarks and attractions in the historic downtown of Daejeon. The study was conducted through field research and recordings, as well as literature studies of related documents and soundscape theory. Daejeon city was developed along with Daejeon Railway Station during the Japanese colonial period in the early 20th century. As the Chungnam Provincial Office moved to Daejeon, Daeheung-dong and Eunhang-dong in Jung-gu, located near Daejeon Station, developed significantly and formed the city centre. As major administrative agencies moved to Seo-gu in the 1990s, the downtown area of Daejeon was on a path of decline, and the decline accelerated with the development of Sejong city. Meanwhile, Daeheung-dong Cathedral and Sungsimdang, founded by refugees during the Korean War, firmly protected the historic downtown area of Daejeon, where the natives left. Daeheung-dong Cathedral, established during the Japanese colonial period, is a local landmark with a history of 100 years in 2019. Sungsimdang, which was created with the backdrop of the Korean War, is also a historical and cultural asset with a history of 60 years and a local landmark selected as the No. 1 tourist attraction in Daejeon. This research, which started from the sound of the bells of Daeheung-dong Cathedral, heard even in the neighboring residential areas, led to the discovery of the bells of Sungsimdang in Eunhang-dong, located across the street. In this paper, the bells of Daeheung-dong Cathedral and Eunhang-dong Sungsimdang have characteristics of soundmarks according to R. Murray Schafer's soundscape sound category. Furthermore, this paper attempted to analyze the meaning of the two bells according to the relatively recent EU soundscape definition. These two bells are signal sounds at the surface level, but are the sound marks of the historic downtown area of Daejeon at the deep level. Although there are outward differences in size, scale, frequency, and famousness, these two bells share a meaning in terms of locality and good influence with the historicity and spatiality of a special relationship. The implication of this study is that the two places should be preserved as local historical and cultural assets not only as visual landmarks but also as sound marks in the urban regeneration or urban development of Jung-gu, Daejeon.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.55-64
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• 2022

This study aims to shed light on the cultural history of Hajodae(河趙臺) enjoyed by writers of the Joseon Dynasty by analyzing the origin and the contents of the landscape based on the literature materials of Hajodae in Yangyang(襄陽). The results of the study are as follows. First, Hajodae is a space that is said to have been visited by Ha Ryun(河崙) and Jo Jun(趙浚). However, since this story has not been confirmed in the literature, various opinions coexisted in history. Jo Wi-Han(趙緯韓) quoted the opinions of aged people who lived in Yangyang, saying that it could be Jo In-Byeok(趙仁壁), not Jo Jun(趙浚), and Jo Deok-Rin(趙德鄰) recorded it as "遐眺臺", which means "a stand for a distance view." There is a need to clearly present the origin of Hajodae by revealing the literary authority. Second, Hajodae was talked about as the best scenic site in Gwandong(關東) in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. during the mid-Joseon Dynasty. The writers of the time mentioned Hajodae as one of the best scenic sites in Gwandong, which soon became a symbol of Yangyang. These records of Hajodae show a relatively decreasing trend entering the late Joseon Dynasty. It is believed to be the result of the slight degrading in the status of Hajodae as the Eight Views of Gwandong were established and Naksansa Temple(洛山寺) gained fame. Third, the writers of Joseon enjoyed the scenic sites through various landscapes of Hajodae. The open terrain on three sides allowed a sea view and provided an opportunity to develop a great spirit or to reflect on oneself. On the other hand, the strange rock formations and cliffs, which correspond to a close-up view, drew the attention of tourists, and the Rosa rugosa Thunb. blooming in the Hajodae area was enough to show a bizarre charm. This shows the various charms of Hajodae, suggesting that the management of such landscape is necessary. Fourth, a Chinese poem about Hajodae shows the spatial meaning of Hajodae. Looking into all sides of the Chinese poem about Hajodae, a case of unburdening one's mind on the landscape, and the aspect a person compared oneself to the natural landscape or projected one's consciousness onto it, and a case of recalling Ha Ryun and Jo Jun, illustrious retainers in the early Joseon Dynasty are confirmed. It can be seen that it results in the aspect of expressing one's impressions and looking back on history through the landscape.