• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.35 no.6
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• pp.594-600
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to observe the period of mating calls of cicadas in South Korea to identify the emergence period and geographic distribution for each cicada species. The study sites were 19 protection areas nationwide. The mating calls of cicadas were collected over the 12 months of 2019. A bioacoustics measuring device was installed to record the mating calls of cicadas in WAV, 44,100Hz format for 1 minute every hour. The temperature was recorded once or twice every hour using a micro-meteorological measuring device. Nine species of Korean cicadinae were studied. The start and end periods of mating calls were recorded for each cicada species for the subsequent analysis. The analysis results showed that nine cicada species appeared in the 19 protection areas. The chronological order of mating call periods for each species was as follows: Cryptotympana atrata (7/12 - 9/30), Meimuna opalifera (7/27 - 10/20), Hyalessa fuscata (7/25 - 10/9), Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata (7/28 - 9/5), Platypleura kaempferi (7/3 - 9/29), Suisha coreana (9/14 - 10/30), Leptosemia takanonis (6/26 - 8/2), Auritibicen intermedius (7/27 - 9/28), and Meimuna mongolica (8/8 - 9/11). The mating call period was between 35 (Meimuna mongolica) and 89 (Platypleura kaempferi) days, with the average being 62 days. The elevation above sea level for the habitats of each species was as follows: 5 - 386 m for Cryptotympana atrata, 7 - 759 m for Meimuna opalifera, 7 - 967 m for Hyalessa fuscata, 42 - 700m for Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata, 7 - 700 m for Platypleura kaempferi, 5 - 759 m for Suisha coreana, 7 - 759 m for Leptosemia takanonis, 397 - 967 m for Auritibicen intermedius, and 7 - 42 m for Meimuna mongolica. The average temperature of the habitats of each species was as follows: 23.9℃ for Cryptotympana atrata, 21.8℃ for Meimuna opalifera, 22℃ for Hyalessa fuscata, 23℃ for Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata, 22.9℃ for Platypleura kaempferi, 14.6℃ for Suisha coreana, 20.6℃ for Leptosemia takanonis, 19.3℃ for Auritibicen intermedius, and 24.4℃ for Meimuna mongolica. In terms of the habitat distribution of species, Meimuna opalifera, Hyalessa fuscata, and Platypleura kaempferi were distributed in more than 15 protection sites. Cryptotympana atrata was distributed in the lowlands in the southwest. Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata was distributed in the western area of the Korean Peninsula. Suisha coreana was distributed in areas excluding high mountain areas and parts of the southeast area. Leptosemia takanonis was distributed in areas near the mountains. Auritibicen intermedius was distributed locally in the high mountain areas. Meimuna mongolica was distributed locally in flat wetlands.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).

• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.33 no.1 s.89
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• pp.51-60
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• 2000

In order to understand the trend and assessment of water pollution, seasonal water quality was determined in the main river and the tributaries from midstream to downstream of the Kum River from March 1998 to June 1999. Among environmental factors, the variation of nitrogen, phosphorus and chlorophyll-a was distinctive on an aspect of increase and decrease relatively to others, and particularly the impact of inorganic N ${\cdot}$ P inflowing into the main river was observed to be more significant at the Kapchon, Mihochon and Soksongchon among the tributaries. Water quality was highly related to hydrologic factor, and it was more deteriorated when water discharge maintains for a long time below normal flow or relatively at low condition of minimum and drought flow. These phenomena were remarkablee from December to March of the next year. $NH_4$ and SRP were decreased dramatically flowing toward the lower part of the river and chl-a was increased exponentially. While, the variations of $NO_3$ and $BOD_5$ were regular from midstream to downstream and there was no significant difference between the stations. Limiting nutrient for Phytoplankton growth seemed to be P than N because the ratio of TN/TP or DIN/SRP was relatively high as 42 or 544 in the main river, respectively. The main river and tributaries were ranked to be third grade, based on the assessment of BOD as an indirect indicator of organics, but particularly Kapchon was ranked to be over fifth grade. In addition, the inflow of high N ${\cdot}$ P nutrients from tributaries including Kapchon and Mihochon seemed to be major factor of the development of water pollution of the Kum River. On the other hand, persistent bloom of phytoplankton in lower part of the river was observed. As a conclusion, management of water quality for main source of pollution is urgent.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.56-67
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• 2019

In order to investigate the issue with the proper name of eshel(Tamarix aphylla) mentioned in the Bible, analysis of morphological taxonomy features of plants, studies on the symbolism of the Tamarix genus, analysis of examples in Korean classics and Chinese classics, and studies on the problems found in translations of Korean, Chinese and Japanese Bibles. The results are as follows. According to plant taxonomy, similar species of the Tamarix genus are differentiated by the leaf and flower, and because the size is very small about 2-4mm, it is difficult to differentiate by the naked eye. However, T. aphylla found in the plains of Israel and T. chinensis of China and Korea have distinctive differences in terms of the shape of the branch that droops and its blooming period. The Tamarix genus is a very precious tree that was planted in royal courtyards of ancient Mesopotamia and the Han(漢) Dynasty of China, and in ancient Egypt, it was said to be a tree that gave life to the dead. In the Bible, it was used as a sign of the covenant that God was with Abraham, and it also symbolized the prophet Samuel and the court of Samuel. When examining the example in Korean classics, the Tamarix genus was used as a common term in the Joseon Dynasty and it was often used as the medical term '$Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳)'. Meanwhile, the term 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' was used as a literary term. Upon researching the period and name of literature related to $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) among Chinese medicinal herb books, a total of 16 terms were used and among these terms, the term Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) used in the Chinese Bible cannot be found. There was no word called 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' that originated from the poem by Wang Wei(699-759) of Tang(唐) Dynasty and in fact, the word 'halyu(河柳)' that was related to Zhou(周) China. But when investigating the academic terms of China currently used, the words Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) and $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) are used equally, and therefore, it appears that the translation of eshel in the Chinese Bible as either Chuísīliǔ (垂絲柳) or $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) both appear to be of no issue. There were errors translating tamarix into 'やなぎ(willow)' in the Meiji Testaments(舊新約全書 1887), and translated correctly 'ぎょりゅう(檉柳)' since the Colloquial Japanese Bible(口語譯 聖書 1955). However, there are claims that 'gyoryu(ぎょりゅう 檉柳)' is not an indigenous species but an exotics species in the Edo Period, so it is necessary to reconsider the terminology. As apparent in the Korean classics examples analysis, there is high possibility that Korea's T. chinensis were grown in the Korean Peninsula for medicinal and gardening purposes. Therefore, the use of the medicinal term $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) or literary term 'wiseonglyu' in the Korean Bible may not be a big issue. However, the term 'wiseonglyu' is used very rarely even in China and as this may be connected to the admiration of China and Chinese things by literary persons of the Joseon Dynasty, so the use of this term should be reviewed carefully. Therefore, rather than using terms that may be of issue in the Bible, it is more feasible to transliterate the Hebrew word and call it eshel.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.212-240
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• 2022

This study is a multi-layered exploration of 「The Thirty-Six Scenery of Seongdeok Summer Mountain Resort(承德避暑山莊三十六景)」 (The 36th view of Kangxi) recited by Emperor Kangxi of China through literature study, ancient calligraphy diagrams, and field studies. The conclusion of tracing the landscape characteristics and implications contained in 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 through the analysis of the headword(標題語) and the interpretation of the Jeyeong poem(題詠詩) is as follows. 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 is an extension of the outer edge of the Eight Sceneries, and when compared to the existing Eight Sceneries peom and Eight Sceneries painting, it is found that the landscape is centered on the 'viewpoint' rather than the landscape object. In particular, it aimed to create a structured landscape centered on nine types of buildings represented by 'Jeon(殿)' and 'Jeong(亭)' was given. In particular, Yeouiju, located in Lake district, is a scenic country endowed with the character of a gardens in Garden, which is composed by collecting famous representative Chinese landscapes and landscapes of Sansu-si and Sanshu Painting. As a result of headword analysis to understand the characteristics of landscape components, 14 landscapes (38.9%) related to water elements and 13 landscapes(36.1%) related to mountain elements, the elements related to architecture and civil engineering were classified in the order of 3 cases(8.3%), and the elements related to the skylight were classified in the order of 2 cases(5.6%). However, in Jeyeong-si, the mention of landscape vocabulary for climate elements was overwhelming. In other words, in the poems of 「The 36th Scenery of Kangxi」, scenery vocabulary symbolizing 'coolness' such as 雲(cloud), 水(water), 泉(spring), 清(clear), 波(wave), 流(wave), 風(wind) and 無暑(without heat), etc. It is not a coincidence that it appears, and it is strongly attached to the sense of place of Summer Mountain Resort in Rehe(熱河). Among the 23 landscapes whose seasonal background was confirmed, the fact that the lower landscape is portrayed as the majority and the climate elements of the resort area are portrayed in three-dimensional and multi-dimensional ways are closely related to the period of enjoying the gardens of Kangxi, the main subject of the landscape. In addition, many animal and plant landscapes appearing in Jeyeong-si appear to be in the same context as the spatial attributes of not only recreation, but also contemplation and hunting. On the other hand, in Jeyeongsi, there are 33 wonders(91.7%) citing famous people and famous books through ancient poems, old stories, and ancient stories tends to be prominent. It is inferred that this was based on Kangxi's understanding and pride in traditional Chinese culture. In 「The 36th view of Kangxi」, not only a book-writing description of the feelings of being entrusted to the family sutras, but also the spirit of patriotism, love, self-discipline and respect for mother and filial piety are strongly implied. Ultimately, 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 shows the real scene of the resort, as well as the spiritual dimension, in a multi-faceted and three-dimensional way, and the spirit of an emperor based on the dignity of the royal family and the sentiments of a writer it deserves to be called a collection of imperial records that were intended to reveal.

• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.36 no.3 s.104
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• pp.322-335
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• 2003

Nutrient fluxes and sediment oxygen demands (SOD) were measured with intact sediment cores collected from three stations in the downstream of Nagdong River. The sediments were subjected to controlled oxic and hypoxic conditions and temperature gradients (from $10^{\circ}C$ to $30^{\circ}C$) of the overlying waters in laboratory batch system. The effect of temperature and labile layer thickness of the sediment on SOD were examined. $PO_4\;^{3-}$ and $NH_4\;^+$ fluxes were elevated above $20^{\circ}C$ and large mobilities were observed when they were coupled with a hypoxic and high-temperature condition. In the well oxygenated conditions, $PO_4\;^{3-}$ fluxes were negative or negligible but $NH_4\;^+$ fluxes ranged from 1.3 mg N $m^{-2}\;hr^{-1}$ to 2.3 $m^{-2}\;hr^{-1}$. Temperature quotients($Q_{10}$) of $PO_4\;^{3-}$ fluxes were 3.7 ${\sim}$ 7.3 ranges to have the most high values. $PO_4\;^{3-}$ and $NH_4\;^+$ fluxes had the logarithmic increase with temperature, while $NO_3\;^-$ was negatively absorbed to the sediment and linearly correlated with the temperature. $SiO_2$ fluxes showed no difference among oxic and hypoxic conditions and sediment texture. The nutrient fluxes would be closely correlated with pore water chemistry of sediments and activated by the top sediment layer composition such as labile organic matters or algal detritus. The ecological implications of the nutrient fluxes were discussed in terms of sources and sinks of nutrients coupled to algal productions in the Nagdong River.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.90 no.1
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• pp.155-160
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• 2001

Changes in genetic diversity after seed-tree practice were simulated in test plantation of tulip tree at Sokdal-ri, Banwol-myon, Hwasung-gun, Kyungki Provence. I-SSR markers were analyzed in a total of 305 tulip trees. A total of 89 amplicon variants were observed by PCR with 9 I-SSR primers. Genetic diversity for 305 trees was relatively high (S. I. =0.4532). Individuals originated from the seed orchards in U.S.A. showed the highest level of genetic diversity (0.4530), those from Anyang showed the medium level (0.4152), and those from Cheonbuk showed the lowest (0.3929). Simulation of seed-tree practice accompanied by 2 consecutive thinnings was performed on the basis of morphological characteristics and planted distances of the individual trees, which left 37 trees as candidates for seed-trees. Decreasing rate of genetic diversity within seed sources was greatest for individuals from Cheonbuk (28.3%), moderate for those from Anyang (16.3%), and smallest for those from U.S.A. (8.0%). In spite of little difference in decreasing rate of individuals for the 3 seed sources (87.5~88.2%), large difference in decreasing rate of genetic diversity within seed sources might be due to difference in number of mother trees for the 3 seed sources. For example, whereas individuals originated from the seed orchard in U.S.A., which showed the smallest decreasing rate of genetic diversity, might be originated from relatively large number of mother trees, those from Anyang and Cheonbuk might be originated from relatively small number of mother trees. Although mean of 17.5% of the genetic diversity within seed sources was decreased through 2 consecutive thinnings, a decrease in genetic diversity for the whole individuals (37 trees) was only 6.1%. This observation suggests that the seed-tree practice on the basis of the criteria established in the present study may not result in great reduction in overall genetic diversity of the progenies.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.44-63
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• 2019

This study empirically investigated the construction and aspects of change in Chugyeongwon, which is located in Donggweol (東闕). In detail, this study investigated the location of the construction and range of Chugyeongwon, the background and intention of the construction, and the affiliated system and aspects of spatial changes of it. The research results can be summarized as follows: First, Chugyeongwon has been assumed to be the space near Haminjeong (涵仁亭) or between Simindang (時敏堂) and Jinsudang (進修堂) in Changgyeonggung Palace. However, according to related historical materials, it is said that Chugyeongwon was located west of Dochongbu (都摠府) in Hyeopsangmun (協祥門) and near Sungmundang (崇文堂). Through Donggweoldohyeong (東闕圖形), evidence of the construction of Chugyeongwon can be found, which verifies such claims. According to The Plan of Changgyeonggung Palace (昌慶宮配置圖), in the form of modern measured drawing, Chugyeongwon today is the green space created in the south of Munjeongjeon (文政殿) and Sungmundang in Changgyeonggung Palace. Second, According to Donggweoldo (東闕圖), Chugyeongwon was a green space where trees grew on the ground within the walls. No artificial facilities were constructed inside. In addition, Chugyeongwon was located at a site with an altitude higher than the surroundings. Especially, the composition forms and location characteristics of Chugyeongwon are similar to those of the Palace Outer Garden located in Hanyang. Thus, based on this evidence about the form and other aspects of the operation of the Palace Outer Garden, it can be inferred that Chugyeongwon was constructed for the preservation and cultivation of the geographical features inside Donggweol. Third, in the late Joseon period, Chugyeongwon was assigned to Changdeokgung Palace or Changgyeonggung Palace in the same manner as was Donggung (東宮). Thus, it is very likely that Chugyeongwon served as a garden for the Royal Family in the Donggung area. The west boundary of Chugyeongwon, which originally consisted of walls and a side gate, was changed into the form in which the walls and colonnades were combined. Chugyeongwon has been modified due to various acts of development since the Japanese colonial era, and in the end, it has disappeared so that no trace can be found.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.318-345
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• 2013

This study was carried out with a focus on the factor on the periodical space organization of Daebodan (大報壇: the altar of great recompense) in Changdeok Palace, which is significant in terms of political history in the late Chosun Dynasty, and consider the factors in the formation of the structural system through historical records and drawings. Daebodan has the ideology of righteousness to the Ming Dynasty which the hierarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. who felt the crisis of the domination order, imposed as a solution after the Manchu war of 1636. In addition, Daebodan was built by complex factors that entailed the self-esteem of the 'Joseon Centralism Ideology (朝鮮中華)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven that were imminent to the kings of Joseon. Superficially, Daebodan has the spatial organization of the Sajik (社稷) Altar and the placement of an annex building, but had the applied placement due to limited topography and access to the backyard. Furthermore, the lateral structure of Daebodan multiply accepted various factors of the nine step's stairs, the hight of five cheok (尺), the circumstance of two floors that were showed in the altar and platform with small fences and an imperial order including the internal form of Hwangjangbang (黃帳房). Moreover, the name of the alter came from 'the Jiaote Sheng Book of Rites(禮記 郊特牲)' representing 'the suburban sacrifice ritual for Heaven (郊天)', and it was built by not only combining the system of the Sajik Altar in the Joseon Dynasty and China but also avoiding 'excessive etiquette (僭禮).' The point is a remarkable feature shown by the structural system of Daebodan. Thus, it is considered that the 'Notion of Confucian-Cultural Succession (中華繼承意識)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven were expressed by the structure and form of altar. This study examined the process of the creation, expansion, decline and disposal of Daebodan in a chronological order, and found that the ruling ideology of the governing elite by the political and cultural background of the era at each transitional point was reflected in the spatial formation of the altar. On the other hand, as a result of performing a field survey to find the location in accordance with Daebodan in drawing materials, there remains items such as worked stones from Daebodan, precast pavers and fragments of proof tile discovered in the surrounding of tora vine (Actinidia arguta) which is a natural monument of Changdeok Palace. As such, verification through future excavation and investigation is required.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.42 no.10
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• pp.1638-1648
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• 2013

To promote the utilization of wild edible plants, this study examined blanching, drying, and fermentation as methods for enhancing the functionality of Hemerocallis coreana Nakai. Specimens fermented for 24 hours at a fermentation temperature of $50^{\circ}C$, with a relative humidity of 65%, contained the highest amount of organic acid (18,109.82 mg/100 g). For the blanched; specimens, total organic acid content decreased about 30% compared with the freeze-dried specimens. The main organic acid of Hemerocallis coreana Nakai was confirmed as succinic acid. After fermentation, free sugars decreased; in particular, specimens fermented at a relative humidity of 80% showed a 32~75% reduction in free sugar compared with the freeze-dried specimens. In terms of amino acid content, Hemerocallis coreana Nakai was mainly composed of valine, isoleucine, and phenylalanine. In fermented specimens the total amino acid content was highest in a moderately fermented (17 hr) specimen, (1,010.71 mg/100 g fresh wt.), but decreased in the maximally fermented (24 hr) specimen. The longer the fermentation, the higher the decrease in non-essential amino acids content, while the content of more essential amino acids consistently increased. In conclusion, since seasoned Hemerocallis coreana Nakai contains a considerable amount of glutamine and asparagine, it has a fresh sour and sweet taste; thus, it will likely be a highly preferred wild edible plant. Also, with an increase of essential amino acids after fermentation, Hemerocallis coreana Nakai is excellent in terms of nutrition. Thus, it may be possible to utilize fermented Hemerocallis coreana Nakai in the development of diverse products.