• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.163-172
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• 2020

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2020

Ahead of the 21st Korean National Assembly Election, the congressional election law was revised, and the semi-mixed member proportional system was introduced. The purpose of the revision of the election law was to increase the proportionality and representativeness of the election system through the institutional reform in the direction of promoting a multi-party system. This study shows that the effect of the introduction of the semi-mixed proportional system was compared with the election results when the previous proportional representative system was maintained. There was no significant difference from the results. This study reveals that contrary to the intention of institutional design to revitalize the multi-party system, the two large political parties took the most seats after democratization in 1987, resulting in an unintended consequences. In addition, with regard to the recent argument for party realignment, the Busan, Ulsan, and Gyeongnam regions have been dealigned in the Yeongnam regional cleavage, and are undergoing a process of party realignment. It has not yet entered the stage of realignment, but remains in the stage of fluid dealignment.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.69-101
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to verify that voting behavior of congressmen can vary depending on the different candidate selection methods of political parties. Specifically, this paper examines whether congressmen elected through a primary tend to deviate from the party line vote in the floor voting, compared to those who did not. As a result, it was founded that congressmen who went through competition of the primary are more likely to defect from the party line vote than who did not. This empirical evidence suggests that if the introduction of the open primary system is further expanded in the future, it may lead to weakening of party cohesion and reinforcing lawmakers' autonomy.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.267-274
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to derive design factors to provide inclusive information without encouraging the division of region and ideology, and to present the prospects of election result infographics design through evaluation and interpretation of the based design factors. First, the methods and results of the study identify the characteristics of infographics design through theoretical considerations to confirm the importance of visualizing data, and the case study of infographics design as the main flow is cathogram-style design using various forms of digital interaction. Second, the 21 st National Assembly election of Korea resulted in the response to infographics design and evaluated and analyzed the suitability of design factors through surveys and expert interview for five designs selected (suitable for purpose, convenient, aesthetic, easy of understanding, and public concern). In conclusion, it is predicted that the election results infographics design will evolve to offset regional and ideological division by providing inclusive information tailored to consumer needs by providing different types of infographics designs that meet basic objectives and functions.

• 대학교육
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• s.120
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• pp.33-75
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• 2002

한국대학교육협의회에서는 제16대 대통령 선거에 즈음하여 주요 정당의 대통령 후보자들을 대상으로 고등교육정책에 대하여 서면질의(별첨 서면질의서 참조)를 하였습니다. 서면 조사기간은 10월 28일부터 11월 15일이었으며, 각 당에서 제출한 답변서는 편집 형태를 통일하여 전문으로 게재하였습니다. 한국대학교육협의회에서 질의한 내용에 대한 각 당의 답변서는 현재 국회 의석 수를 기준으로 하여 '한나라당'. '새천년민주당', '국민통합21', '민주노동당' 순으로 구성하였습니다. 다만, 지면 부족으로 주요 당의 고등교육정책만을 게재함을 양지하여 주시기 바랍니다.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2020.07a
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• pp.159-162
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• 2020

배우자상속에 있어서 독일 등 다수 선진국들은 배우자 일방의 사망 시 부부재산제에 따른 청산을 통하여 생존배우자를 고정적으로 배우자상속분을 확보해줌과 동시에 철저히 보호를 하고 있는데, 우리나라 가족법에서는 다른 나라들에 비해 생존배우자에게 일정비율의 상속분만을 인정하고 있어 생존배우자의 상속권을 실질적으로 강화될 수 있는 방안이 필요하다고 본다. 특히 2014년 법무부 민법개정위원회의에서 현행법상 배우자 상속제도를 해결하기 위하여 제1008조의4 배우자의 선취분 조항과 제1008조의5 배우자의 선취분 침해에 있어서 회복청구권에 대한 조항신설이 논의 되어 국민들의 높은 호응이 있었음에도 불구하고, 생존배우자 법정상속분을 상향조정을 하게 되면 기업상속 등에 문제가 발생한다는 논리로 개정안은 입법예고도 못하는 상황에 이르게 되었다. 또한 초고령화사회에 살고 있는 생존배우자의 노후생활 보장과 직계비속과 공동으로 상속받는 경우 직계비속의 수에 따라 배우자의 상속분의 유동성 등이 문제점으로 대두되기 때문에 합리적인 생존배우자의 상속분 상향조정되는 입법안이 새롭게 시작되는 21대 국회에서 조속히 마련되기를 기원하는 차원에서 생존배우자의 효율적인 입법방안을 제시하고자 한다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.208-223
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• 2020

In the 21st general election held in April 15, 2020, the importance of social media as an election campaigning tool became more prominent when engaged with Corona 19. Therefore, in this study, various studies were conducted to establish SNS strategy as an election campaign tool. This study analyzed the contents of SNS (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) activities as an election campaign tool to analyze messages on social media messages of candidates Lee Nak-yeon and candidate Hwang Kyo-an of Jongno-gu, Seoul during the 2020 21st National Assembly election. Data collection mainly analyzed posts from each candidate's official account, and the research method used text analysis using the R program. Word cloud, comparative analysis, q-graph analysis, LDA, and STM analysis were used during text analysis. In addition, the analysis result was confirmed to be statistically significant through correlation analysis. As a result of research, candidate Lee Nak-yeon's election includes corona, people, problems, crisis, suffering, and wisdom, which indicates that the crisis caused by corona must be overcome through any means possible. On the other hand, candidate Hwang Kyo-an's election includes Moon Jae-in, the regime, save, the fatherland, the judge, and the economy. And from the perspective of political publicity, candidate Lee Nak-yeon made a lot of acclaims, while candidate Hwang Kyo-an made a lot of attacks, and both themes emphasized the policy rather than the image.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.35-71
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to verify the effect of electoral competition on voters deciding on strategic split-ticket voting under the mixed-member electoral system. As result, the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose to vote for the major parties. The results of logistic regression analysis including interaction terms showed that the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose for candidates from the major parties. Also, the finding shows that major party supporters are less affected by electoral competition than minor party supporters in choosing a candidate in the single-seat districts. In the case of minor party supporters, the more competitive the constituencies were, the more likely they were to choose the major party candidate instead of the minor party candidate. Based on these results, it can be inferred that voters are affected by the presence or behavior of other voters in local constituencies under the first-past-the-post rule. Because of the psychology of not wanting their votes to be useless, voters cast their ballots more strategically as the competition in constituencies intensifies, and as the competition in constituencies slackens, such tendencies weaken, and this trait is particularly evident among minor party supporters.