• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.8
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• pp.1-10
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• 2013

Even though the importance of reading voters' share of mind increases in political campaign, there is no research which analyzes engagement in perspective of political campaign. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to calculate political engagement index which is qualitative indicator about political campaign's immersion in candidate in perspective of engagement and provide scientific data for political advertisement and publicity strategy. For this purpose, A and B candidates who ran for 18th president in December 19th, 2012 are selected for subjects of the research. The young people whose voter participations are low in this presidential election are selected as subjects for responding questionnaire and are surveyed. This research is qualitative evaluation which tires to supplement a limit of qualitative analysis of content by surpassing quantitative evaluation including advertisement, promotion, public opinion on politics, ratings, etc. Evaluation attribute is designed to distribute 8 PEI into 0~100 score. If PEI is more than 50, then the score indicates immersion above average. If PEI is lower than 50, then the score indicates immersion below average. The model of the research will contribute to development of methodological research of political campaign strategy. Also, in the future, this model can be used as micro-targeting in each political campaign's election strategy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.257-263
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• 1999

Ln-macrocyclic([20]DOTA) complexes, [Ln([20]DPTA)(NO_{3})(H_{2}O)](NO_{3})_{2} \cdotxH_{2}O{Ln(III)=Pr, Sm, Gd, Dy}, which had been synthesized from 2, 6-diformyl-p-cresol(DFPC), was placed in methanol for 2 days, and $[Ln([20]DPTA)(NO_{3})(CH_{3}OH)]^{2+}$ was formed. The equilibrium constants(L) for the substitution of coordinated $CH_{3}OH$ in the Ln-[20]DOTA complexes by various auxiliary ligands, $L_{a}(=monodentate ligands; pyridine, imidazole, triethylamine, diethylamine, piperidine) were determined spectroscopically at $25^{\circ}C$ and 0.1M. The pKa of auxiliary ligand is in the order of pyridine < imidazole < triethylamine < diethylamine < piperidine, however the K has shown the trend of pyridine < imidzole < diethylamine < piperidine < triethylamine.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.91-118
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• 2016

As all are aware, the results of the Malaysia 12th General Election (GE-12) in 2008 have surprised many. Not only the dominant parties Barisan Nasional (BN) were shocked by the loss of significant numbers of seats but for the first time in the history of Malaysia politics, vis-${\grave{a}}$-vis, electoral affairs, they were denied a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Notwithstanding the opposition parties such as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR: The People's Justice Party) that form the opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance: PR), has come to a surprised with the GE-12 result, in which they not even think that were able to challenge hegemonic politics of BN, managed to capture and formed a government at the state level namely Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, except Kelantan which has been under the control of PAS since the 1990 general election. This article aims to analyze whether Sabah as a "fixed deposit"state is still relevant in understanding the continuity and survival of the BN political hegemony in the context of Malaysia political developments post-13th general election.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2019.05a
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• pp.293-295
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• 2019

소셜네트워크서비스(SNS)의 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화 전반에 걸친 영향력이 점점 더 커지고 있는 현실에서 가장 발빠르게 이들 매체를 전략적인 PR 도구로서 이용하고자 노력하는 조직들은 아마도 기업일 것이다. 본 연구에서는 TF-IDF 와 연관 규칙 기반 유투브 인플루언서 선별방안을 제안하여 기업 마케팅의 초석을 제공한다.

• Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
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• v.43 no.6
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• pp.628-635
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• 1999

Direct preparative method of 2,6-diformyl-p-cresol and 2-hydroxy-3-hydroxy-5-methylbenzaldehyde from 2,6-bis(hydroxymethyl)-4-methylphenol using activated $Mn(IV)O_2$ was described. Hexadentate compartmental Iigands, $H_4L[A]\;and\; H_4L[B]$ were prepared by condensation reactions of 2-hydroxy-3-hydroxy methyl-5-methylbenzaldehyde with ethylenediamine and 1,3-diaminopropane respectively. By the reaction of macrocycle($H_4[20]DOTA$) with Ln(III) nitrate {Ln(III)=Pr, Sm, Cd, Dy }, discrete mononuclear Ln(III) complexes of the type $[Ln(H_2[20]DOTA)(ClO_4)(H_2O)]\;{\cdot}\;3H_2O$ were synthesized in the solid state. $[Ln([20]DOTA)(NO_3)(H_2O)](NO_3)_2\;{\cdot}\;xH_2O$ was placed in methanol for 2 days, and $[Ln([20]DOTA)(NO_3)(CH_3OH)]^{2+}$ was formed. The equilibrium constants(K) for the substitution of coordinated $CH_3OH$ in the Ln-[20]DOTA complexes by various auxiliary ligand, $L_a$(=salicylic acid, p-chlorobenzoic acid, benzoic acid, acetic acid, 4-bromophenol) were determined spectroscopically at 25$^{\circ}C$ and 0.1M $NaClO_4$. The K values calculated were in the order of salicylic acid > p-chlorobenzoic acid > benzoic acid > acetic acid > 4-bromophenol, while pKa of auxiliary ligands was in the opposite trend.

• Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.95-101
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• 2000

Macroacyclic transition metal complexes such as $Cu(H_2L[A]).H_2O$, $Cu(H_2L[B]).H_2O$, CuFe(L[A]($NO_3$).$4H_2O$, CuFe(L[B])($NO_3$).$4H_2O$, [$CuGd(H_2L[A])(NO_3)_2](NO_3).2CH_3OH$, [CuGd($H_2L$[B])($NO_3)_2$]($NO_3).2CH_3OH were prepared from the corresponding hexadentate compartmental ligands, $H_4L[A]$ and $H_4L[B]$, which were obtained by the condensation of 2-hydroxy-3-hydroxymethy1-5-methyIbenzaldehyde(HHNNB) and ethylenediamine or l,3-diaminopropane. Ln-macrocyclic([20]DOTA) complexes,[Ln([20]DOTA)($NO_3)(H_2O)$]($NO_3$)2.$xH_2O${Ln(III)=Pr, Sm, Gd, Dy, which had been synthesized from 2,6-diformyl-p-cresol(DFPC), was placed in methanol for 2 days, and [Ln([20] DOTA)($NO_3)(CH_3OH)]^{2+}$ was formed The equilibrium constants (k) for the substitution of coordinated $CH_3OH$ in the Ln-[20]DOTA complexes by various bidentate auxiliary ligands, $L_a$(=o-phenylenediamine,1,10-phenanthroline, ethylenediamine,oxalicacid, malonic acid, acethylacetone) were determined by spectroscopic method at $25^{\circ}C$ and 0.1M $NaClO_4$.The pKa of auxiliary ligands is in the order of o-phenylenediamine < 1,10-phenanthroline < ethylene-diamine, oxalic acid < malonic acid < acethylacetone. However, the equilibrium constant(K) has shown thetrend of ethyleneiamine < 1,10-phenanthroline < o-phenylenediamine, acethylacetone < malonic acid < oxalic acid.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.52-74
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• 2012

Legislation needs to be understood within a political, societal relationship among lawmaking bodies rather than by legal provision itself. In order to examine features and functions of communication in the process of legislation, this study conducted focus group interviews with experts as well as in-depth individual interviews. The result of this research as follows: First, the study found that although the domestic legislative process has been made by active interactions among lawmaking subjects, it was hard to conclude that this procedure is providing effective and productive legislative agenda because of chaotic communications made along the process. Second, the study found that national legislative process has been gradually moving, although restricted, to an open political space, the National Assembly, from a closed space, the executive branch. Third, the study found a remarkable feature including growing influence of experts groups and civic organizations in the legislative process. It is a significant change that legislative staff such as National Assembly aides, investigators, expert committeemen and deputy director generals played a role of "insiders," unnoticeably influencing the legislative process, and that civic organizations and NGOs, which have been excluded in the previous legislative processes, emerged as a new influencing circle in the process. Lastly, the study found that media organizations, in the process of developing agenda, had a strong impact on the National Assembly as a subject forming public issues and as a messenger of the legislative agenda while they played a limited role in affecting the government. This study discusses why communication in the domestic legislative process is important and what are some hindering and facilitating factors in the process.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.595-603
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• 2023

Recently, many public institutions have been conducting promotional activities using digital platforms. Communication methods using digital platforms have a very important meaning in that they can create new values that did not exist before by connecting and sharing information with various users. To this end, we tried to analyze YouTube videos of five government ministries and examine them. As a result of YouTube analysis by government ministries, most of them were mainly used as channels for policy promotion, and many were used as channels for new information. Although the message is delivered through the production of various contents, it was possible to look at cases where the target as a channel for communication was not clear and the purpose was unclear. In order to communicate with the people, it should be used as a channel for communication through content suitable for clear target setting and purpose.