• Computational Structural Engineering
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.219-227
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• 1998

실제 구조물에 있어 확률, 통계 및 이론으로 구해진 랜덤성을 갖는 객관적 불확실성뿐만 아니라 설계자의 경험이나 공학적 판단에 의해 주관적으로 평가되는 인간오차나 시공중의 과오 또는 구조설계에 미치는 사회적, 정치적 및 경제적 요청 등의 퍼지성을 갖는 주관적 불확실성이 존재하기 때문에 현실적으로 랜덤성과 퍼지성을 동시에 고려한 실뢰성평가 즉, 안전성평가에 대한 퍼지이론의 도입이 필수 불가결하다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 기존 구조물의 객관적·주관적 불확실성을 동시에 고려한 신뢰성해석방법으로 베이즈의 의사결정이론에 퍼지이론을 병합한 퍼지-베이즈 신뢰성해석 알고리즘을 개발하여 건축구조물의 신뢰성평가 및 안전성평가에 적용하여 분석하였다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.108-143
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• 2008

Candidate images refer to a holistic impression of a candidate which is composed of various dimensions of attributes. This study investigated how online and offline news media, campaign media such as political ads, televised debates, and candidate web-sites, and interpersonal political talk influenced voters' images of a candidate in such dimensions as personal traits, job-performance abilities, and policy capabilities, and further their political decision making in the 17th presidential election in Korea. The analysis focused on President Lee, Myung Bak who won the election by obtaining nearly 50% of the effective votes. According to the data analyses, first, uses of offline newspapers positively influenced voters' images of candidate Lee's personal traits such as his morality, integrity, trustworthiness, and compassion, yet online news uses had an opposite effect on voters' impression of his job-performance and economic policy capabilities. Secondly, among various campaign media, television ads and candidate web-sites positively contributed to the formation of candidate Lee's images, yet showed little direct effect on vote choice, indicating that campaign media mainly indirectly influenced voters' political decision making. Each of the first, second, and third televised candidate debates revealed unique effects on image formation and vote choice. Thirdly, the network size and frequency of political talk negatively influenced image formation regarding candidate Lee's personal traits and economic policy capabilities, yet the discussion network size positively contributed to the Lee votes. Forth, among various dimensions of candidate images, voters' perceptions of candidate Lee's personal traits appeared to be the most significant predictor of the support for him.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2008.05a
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• pp.169-173
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• 2008

본 연구는 저수량 지역 빈도분석(regional low flow frequency analysis)을 수행하기 위하여 일반최소자승법(ordinary least squares method)을 이용한 Bayesian 다중회귀분석을 적용하였으며, 불확실성측면에서의 효과를 탐색하기 위하여 Bayesian 다중회귀분석에 의한 추정치와 t 분포를 이용하여 산정한 일반 다중회귀분석의 추정치의 신뢰구간을 비교분석하였다. 각 재현기간별 비교결과를 보면 t 분포를 이용하여 산정된 평균 추정치와 Bayesian 다중회귀분석에 의한 평균 추정치는 크게 다르지 않았다. 그러나 불확실성 측면에서 평가해볼 때 신뢰구간의 상한추정치와 하한추정치의 차이는 Bayesian 다중회귀분석을 사용한 경우가 기존 방법을 사용한 경우보다 훨씬 작은 것으로 나타났으며, 이로부터 저수량(low flow) 지역 빈도분석을 수행하는 경우 Bayesian 다중회귀분석이 일반 회귀분석보다 불확실성을 표현하는데 있어서 우수하다는 결과를 얻을 수 있었다. 또한 낙동강 유역에 2개의 미계측 유역을 선정하고 구축된 Bayesian 다중회귀모형을 적용하여 불확실성을 포함한 미계측 유역에서의 저수량(low flow)을 추정하였으며 이와 같은 방법이 미계측 유역에서의 저수(low flow) 특성을 나타내는 데 있어서 효과적일 수 있음을 입증하였다.

• Survey Research
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2011

The purposes of the present study were to analyze correlation of vote behavior and attitude and vote intention in the pre-survey, and to investigate the efficient method of predicting the voting result from the pre-surveys. The previous attitude is measured by the support for the candidate, political self-confidence, self-efficacy and opinion on present issues. The vote intention is surveyed by the past election participation and degree of election interest. Real voting behavior is surveyed by the post enumeration, and the pre-survey and both post-survey are conducted to the same person to analyze the correlation of voting behavior and pre-survey. The real election participation is highly correlated with vote intention, election interest and past election participation. Almost respondents did not change the supporting candidate from the poll survey to the election vote. It is shown that the voting behavior at election of the nonrespondent of pre-survey can be predicted with the demographic charater and attitude of present issues.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.300-314
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• 2018

This study, expending the existing concept of hostile media perception to biased media perception, empirically examined the effects of TV audience's political disposition(liberal, neutral, conservative) and broadcasting company's political disposition perceived by the audience(liberal, neutral, conservative) on evaluations of the broadcasting channel(interestedness, diversity, creativity, reliability, usefulness, fairness, public interest). With the nationwide online survey data from 624 adult audiences, a broadcasting company evaluated as the most neutral in political disposition at the moments of data gathering was selected and respondents' evaluations of the broadcasting channel were analyzed in a two-way factorial multiple analysis of covariance(MANCOVA). The results showed that the perceived political disposition of the broadcasting company affects audiences' evaluations of the channel while audiences' their own political dispositions do not. In addition, due to the interaction effects between audience's and broadcasting company's political dispositions, congruency in political dispositions led to positive evaluations(congenial media perceptions) while incongruency led to negative ones(hostile media perceptions). Based on these results, theoretical and empirical implications were discussed in terms of the formation of attitudes toward TV broadcasting channels.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.spc
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• pp.133-161
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• 2005

The present paper examines trust, interpersonal relationship, and civil society in Scandinavia and East Asia. In the first section, the concepts of trust and democracy are defined. In the second section, the cultural transformations that paved the way for the development of democracy in the West and Scandinavia are reviewed. In the third section, the basis of trust and democracy in East Asia, focusing on Confucianism, is reviewed. In the fourth section, a review of an empirical study conducted with a national sample in Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Korea is presented. The results indicate that both the Scandinavian and East Asian respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy and trust close ingroup members. East Asian respondents are less likely than Scandinavian respondents to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and much less likely to trust political and government institutions. Scandinavian respondents prefer tolerant leaders who lead by ideas, while Koreans prefer strong paternalistic and moral leaders. Japanese respondents are less supportive of paternalistic leaders. Overall, results indicate that in Scandinavia and East Asia, although the basic ideas about democracy and human rights are similar, the methods of implementing these ideas are different. When compared with Scandinavia, there is much lower transparency and accountability in East Asia. In the final section, the challenges that the modern democracies face are discussed.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.103-129
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• 2004

This article examines the Korean adolescents and adults' social representation and trust of Korean society and people using indigenous psychological analysis. Respondents were asked to write in an open-ended questionnaire their perception of the following five aspects: Korean politics, economy, society, culture and people. They were then asked to report why they trust or distrust Korean society. A total of 1,064 respondents (218 middle school students, 200 university students, 218 fathers of the middle school students, 218 mothers of the middle school students, and 210 teachers) completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The data were collected during April to June, 2003. The results indicate that 94.5% of Koreans view the existing political system and politicians as being corrupt, inept, factional, and lacking in integrity. A vast majority (84.9%) recognize the existence of systemic problems in the Korean economy. A total of 78.2% see problems in Korean society being dominated by selfishness, factionalism, conservatism, and social uncertainty. For Korean culture, a majority of respondents report being proud of its cultural tradition, accomplishment, and creativity. At the same time, 45.7% report loss of cultural identity and pride due to external influences. More than half of the respondents report negative aspects of Korean people (i.e., selfish, lack of morality, rushed, and overly focused on their social image), while nearly half of the respondents report positive aspects of Korean people as being compassionate, cooperative, good-natured and hard-working. As for reason for trusting Korean society, around a third report "because it is our country," followed by its future potential, and the good-nature and willingness of Korean people to work hard. The reasons for distrusting Korean society is the dishonesty politicians, corruption, institutional ineptness, and economic uncertainty. These results indicate a low level of collective efficacy in influencing and affecting change in Korean society.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.380-389
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to examine sidedness effects of political Ad message and moderating roles of consumers' persuasion knowledge. To test these research hypotheses, this study conducted experimental designs. 125 undergraduate students were assigned to one of the two experimental groups. The data demonstrate that message types have a significant effect on both reliability toward Ad message and acceptance intention. In addition, consumers' persuasion knowledge plays a significant moderating role between the message types and the dependent variables. The results of this study suggest various implications by indicating political Ad message as an important factor which can enhance customers' positive responses but has been passed over by the previous research. We also indicated the limitations of this study, and suggested the future research directions.

• 한국HCI학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2006.02b
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• pp.462-467
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• 2006

이 연구는, 대중매체를 미술에 도입한 미디어아트가 대중에게 긍정적인 평가를 받고 있고 콘텐츠의 범위가 증대되고 있는 시점에서 총체적 의미의 사회자본이 된다는 가능성의 연구이다. 이러한 가정 하에 현시점의 미디어아트와 대중의 유대관계, 그 커뮤니케이션의 변화 양상에 대해 몇 가지 사례를 중심으로 살펴보고자 한다. 미디어아트가 사회자본으로서 영향을 미치기 위한 전제를 세가지로 분류하였다. 첫 번째, 사회 참여적인 미디어 장치로서 저널리즘의 속성을 가진 미디어아트, 두 번째는 다양한 문화활동의 프로토타입이 되는 미디어아트, 세 번째로는 일상공간에서의 미디어아트이다. 대중매체의 이용이 사회자본의 구성 요소인 신뢰와 사회적 연계 망에 미치는 효과에 대해서는 기존에 발표된 연구들과 2003년 수행된 대규모 매체 이용행태 자료에서 이미 검증되었다. 디지털미디어아트가 사회자본의 하위구성 요소인 신뢰와 정치참여, 문화적 아이콘으로서의 역할 및 예술생산품으로서의 기능에 대해서는 현재 국내에서 대중과의 소통을 위한 미디어아트의 시도가 점차 증가되고 있는 추세이다. 웹 아티스트, 미디어 아티스트로 알려진 '장영혜중공업' 은 온라인미디어를 통해 현대사회의 정치적, 사회적 이슈와 화두들을 강력하게 표현하고 있고, 대중매체의 조명을 받고 있는 아티스트 '낸시랭' 은 'SSAMZIE' 브랜드를 통해 예술의 문화적, 경제적 활동에 새로운 모델을 제시하였다. 사용자에게 총체적인 경험을 제공하는 일상 생활공간 속에서의 미디어아트는 예술의 대중화를 실현하고 있으며, 일상에서의 경험으로 인하여 대중에게 시각적, 과학적, 심미적 즐거움을 주고 있다. 이처럼 디지털미디어를 이용한 예술은 인터넷을 비롯한 대중매체를 통해 디지털미디어아트의 공적 신뢰를 확대시키고 콘텐트의 범위와 가치를 증대 시키며, 사용자경험의 폭을 확대시켜 점차 새로운 가치체계를 형성해 나갈 것이다. 이는 디지털미디어아트가 사회자본으로서 아직은 미약하지만 사용자의 조작과 참여의 경험으로 인해 디지털 세대에게 적합한 문화아이콘을 만들어 나가며, 사회의 새로운 이용자 패턴, 참여 의식의 확대, 예술의 대중화로 인하여 미래 우리의 삶을 구성하는 사회자본이 될 것으로 그 가능성을 전망해본다.