• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.280
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• pp.12-13
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• 2000

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.280
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• pp.18-19
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• 2000

• 지역과문화
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.25-53
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• 2021

Based on the assumption that understandings and practices have been shifted in accordance with the historical context, this study aims to propose future policies to localize cultural diversity. First, in this study, it is necessary for the concept of cultural diversity, which came from political struggles, to understand and practice cultural diversity in the historical context by analyzing the multilayer aspects of policy practices. Second, through the case study of Jeonlabuk-do, by reviewing the discrimination experienced by social minorities and the perception of professionals related to culture policies in the region, this study represents to understand and practice of cultural diversity in the multi-layed way, even in the local. Lastly, it suggests some specific future policies to be considered when implicating the policies of culture diversity in respond to the limits of current government policies, including: decentralization of policies, enhancing local policies, transition from 'politics of distribution' to 'politics of recognition', an interculturalist approach that promotes contact rather than separation

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.259-295
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is to understand Ahn Hwak(1886~1946)'s perception of national history through "History of Joseon Literature" and "History of Joseon Civilization". He presented the 'cultural history' of Joseon from a modern point of view, by exploring the mental and emotional aspects of the Korean people ingrained in the literary works from the various historical periods. He also reconstructed the national history from Gojoseon era to Joseon dynasty as a continuous 'political history'. For him, a nation was not merely a cultural community, but also a political community. His thought was that while 'culture' and 'politics' are dualistic, they should also be viewed as the two sides of the same coin. In "History of Joseon Literature", Ahn emphasized the mental 'Awakening(自覺)' of the nation. 'Awakening' is a process of universal progress in which the mind pursues freedom by freeing itself from the material bondage. In "History of Joseon Civilization", he finds history of 'Autonomy(自治)' as the characteristics of Joseon's 'history of politics'. He believes that Joseon was able evolve into 'self-aware and voluntary civilization' because of the tradition of 'Autonomy', a political system of reflecting and gathering of the will of the people. Through his two books, Ahn Hwak underlines the idea that the national history of Joseon was a history of 'Awakening', from a cultural perspective, and a history of 'Autonomy', from a political point of view. To him, 'Awakening' was a concept focused on the universality of the mind, while 'Autonomy' was a concept that emphasized the uniqueness of a nation. In sum, Ahn Hwak, through his works, tried to combine cultural universality and political identity.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.240-259
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• 2009

This study aimed to reveal that a local city was recreated by tourism, and to discover a general process in which the regional identity as a tourist destination was reconstructed. Specifically, firstly, this study suggested that the social construction of cultural tourist destinations was composed of a series of dynamic stages such as 'reinterpretation', 'institutionalization', and 'recognition' conceptually. Secondly, the dynamic stages were analyzed on the ethnographic study of Otaru where the movement of preservation of the historical canal was raised and strategies to attract tourism had been implemented. Thirdly, a main mechanism acting on each stage was examined. In conclusion, it was shown that the region was reinterpreted through the politics of identity and the meaning was institutionalized through political and economic negotiation. Moreover, while being established as a constructed authenticity by politics of memory, the regional identity was embedded in the socio-spatial consciousness constantly.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.49
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• pp.249-274
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• 2017

The indigenous movement in Ecuador, which has been one of the most successful social movements since the 1980s, has been declining since the 2000s. The rapid disintegration and weakening of the indigenous movement with the emergence of the Correa regime is closely related to the geopolitical realities of Ecuador. This study examines the Pachakutik, an independent political organization, as the reason behind the movement's weakened political power and crisis that was experienced under the Correa regime since the 2000s. Until the early 2000s, the indigenous movement exercised considerable political power through CONAIE. CONAIE formed the Pachakutik, in order to resolve their issues politically through elections. Despite the successes of the 1990s, the electoral strategy since the 2000s led to eventual fragmentation and decline of the indigenous movement. Therefore, the impact of Pachakutik on the growth and decline of the indigenous movement has important implications for the future. The need for expansion through intercultural discourses and strategies rather than electoral strategies cannot be overstated. In other words, new approaches are needed to sustain the indigenous movement.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.90-110
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• 2010

This study problematizes the youth‘s politico-cultural process of identification as becoming in the context of candle demonstration in Seoul, 2008. We examine their ethical subjectivity, communicative subjectivity and political subjectivity based on our analysis of depth interviews of teenage activists in the candle demonstrations. It is suggested that instead of naming the teens as the historical consequence of so-called 386 generation, or social product in the neo-liberal economic and educational conditions, we need to understand the complexities and dynamics of the youth’s practice of identity politics: subjective pain and anxiety in daily life, creation and sharing of pleasure and fun of peer group comunication are mixed into the pursuit of justice in their social activation of generation/gender politics.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2002

The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.23-65
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• 2009

This study originates from the examination of both Soviet Russia's and contemporary Russia's tabula rasa that numerous comprehensive national exertions have been trying to overcome, relying on the creation of numerous national emblems, political symbols, and even folkloric materials. With this mind, this work substantiates how the political and cultural symbols have been created in the contemporary socio-political and socio-cultural discourse in Russia. As with the political symbols that most recently been studied by Lee Trepanier, it must be recognized that contemporary social movements and political discourses have failed to "articulate a concrete political vision that reflects a consensus among elites, nor have any gained popular support" as the author confessed already. Concomitant to this general consensus, as Roy Medvedev has put it, we can contend that "today's leaders in Russia have no new ideology, and the mass of the people have no strong new national idea."

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Grassland Science Conference
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• 2004.07a
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• pp.1-13
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• 2004

몽골은 역사상 유목 목축업이 성장 발전한 이래 지금까지 5000년 이상 축산업을 주요 산업으로 삼고 있는 지역이다. 몽골인들에게 가축사육은 가장 익숙한 산업으로서 고대사회부터 모든 생활의 기반을 제공하였다. 이것은 가축이 몽골인들의 정치ㆍ사회ㆍ경제 정신의 기초가 되었다는 것을 의미한다. 그러므로 목축은 정치사ㆍ사회생활ㆍ문화발전에 이르기까지 몽골인들의 모든 삶과 밀접한 관계를 가지고 발전해 왔다.(중략)