• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.133-139
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• 2019

A Convergence Research Study of Southern Fujian Region in China during the Song Dynasty analyzing the Export of Ceramics During the Song Dynasty in China ceramics made in the Southern Fujian (also known as Minnan) region were exported to different countries in Southeast Asia including the Philippines, Thailand and more. They were even exported to Korea, Japan and through trade they traveled as far as Africa. Ceramics was one of the three main sea route export item of China at the time and there were active commercial trading between Korea as well as other countries, enabling ceramics to develop rapidly. The harmonious reciprocal relationship between the geographical, political, cultural, economical characteristics of Southern Fujian enabled a unique type of celadon ware widely recognized to develop. Ceramics of this region is one of a kind in terms of history when we relate it to research on integrating different elements. It suggests a unique convergence of culture when we study its forms and its industrial characteristics. The study attempts to analyze the influence of geography, politics, economy and culture on the different phenomena found in ceramics. Different paradigms associated with changes of environment reflect on continued development in the field of ceramics.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.3-22
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• 2011

The study of online social movements is basically concerned about the impact of the Internet on the existing social movements. More specifically, researchers have paid attention to changes in participants, leadership style and movement strategies caused by the Internet. Due to the Internet, networks of the individuals who are geographically scattered or a network of networks have emerged as new movement agents. Researchers have also analyzed a repertoire of collective action adopted by the online social movements. The increase in online social movements calls for a new interpretation of the existing social movement theories such as resource mobilization, collective identity and political opportunity structure. There are still a lot of debate about the impact of the internet on social movement and the resulting changes. Not only the early debate of cyber-optimism and cyber-scepticism, many studies done by the mid-range perspective also suggested different arguments on the impact of the Internet. This discrepancy comes from a relatively short history of online social movement study, which leads to a limited number of case studies and a shortage of date accumulations. In the future, researchers need to place more attention on the unique characteristics of different technologies and comparative studies of online social movements. The study should also extend its focus to a wide range of political systems in order to explain the impact of online social movements on political intermediary organizations and the democracy itself.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.95
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• pp.59-93
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• 2011

Die vorliegende Abhandlung beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, ob Jacque Derrida das Problem des Global-Terrorismus im politisch-theologischen Sinne mit seiner Philosophie der Gastfreundschaft lösen kann. Fur Derrida ist der '11. September' das 'Ereignis', und das Symptom einer autoimmunitären Erkrakung der westlichen Welt. Derrida findet im '11. September Ereignis' die Struktur der Aneignung des Eignen und der Enteignung im Heideggerschen Sinne. Das 'major event' wird nicht in einer vergangenen Aggression bestanden haben, die präsent und wirksam ist und noch schlimmer in der Futur sein wird. Derrida versucht einen philosophischen, politisch-theologischen Ansatz zur Bedingungen der Möglichkeit der absoluten, vollkommenen Auflösung des Globalen Terrorismus zu programmieren. Dafür fordert er das Postulat Verwirklichung des 'Messianischen ohne Messianismus'. Die Gegenüberstellung zwei politischer Theologien zwischen der Europäischen Demokratie und der Islamischen Vereinigten Staaten kann erlöst werden, wenn die 'neue religiöse Spiritualität', die gegenüber der dogmatischen Religionswahrheit frei ist, mit der 'Wiederkehr der Religion' im echten Sinne vorkommt. In der 'Neuen Religion' Derridas ist der Begriff der 'Gastfreundschaft' wichtiger als der der 'Toleranz', den er als 'abrahamitisch' definiert. Die von Derrida postulierte neue Religion ist eine offene Religion, in der das Unvergebbare unbedingt zu vergeben ist. Ihre politische Transformation ist der Begriff der 'Neuen Europäischen Gemeinschaft' und des 'Anderen Kaps'. Derrida postuliert diese neue Idee des Kosmopolitismus als die notwendige Bedingung der vollkommenen Auflösung des autoimmunitären Global-Terrorismus.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.27-37
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• 2018

A satirical cartoon is a time-limited medium in the context of specific social phenomena. On the other hand, satirical cartoons based on 'Sewolho' was published with 74 works by Kyunghyang Shinmun and 46 works by Joongang Ilbo. This is because it is a social phenomenon with a special meaning that satirical cartoons based on 'Sewolho' is a political issue that is called out of time constraints. In this study, I compared and analyzed the expressive elements of Kyunghyang Shinmun and Joongang Ilbo in the social phenomenon 'Sewolho'. The elements of the character, frame, and speech bubble which are the picture elements of satirical cartoons, combine to form the narrative structure. And the elements of the Speech, name and commentary which are also the same. The results of this study are meaningful that the analysis of the narrative structure through the expressive elements of satirical cartoons is meaningful by comparing and analyzing the satirical cartoons of two newspapers with different tendencies.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.147-161
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• 1995

The primary objective of this paper is to review parametric models and test statistics related to overdspersion of count data. Poisson or binomial assumption often fails to explain overdispersion. We reviewed real examples of overdispersion in count data that occurred in toxicological or teratological experiments. We also reviewed several models that were suggested for implementing experiments. We also reviewed several models that were suggested for implementing the extra-binomial variation or hyper-Poisson variability, and we noted how these models were generalized and further developed. The approaches that have been suggested for the overdispersion fall into two broad categories. The one is to develop a parametric model for it, and the other is to assume a particular relationship between the variance and the mean of the response variable and to derive a score test staistics for detecting the overdispersion. Recently, Dean(1992) derived a general score test statistics for detecting overdispersion from the exponential family.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.1-22
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to understand the features of private tutoring and its social and economic implications in Eastern European countries. In recent decades, academic attention to private tutoring increased as the expansion of private tutoring has been noticed globally including Europe, Africa and South America. Firstly, this study will investigate the nature and the scale of private tutoring in Eastern European countries which experienced transition to a democratic and market economy. Secondly, it will analyze the growth of private tutoring in the context of education market. Finally, it will consider some issues relating to intervening private tutoring in order to promote the equal opportunity of education in public education provision.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.179-217
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to analyze the integration and separation phenomenon of the legislative network by analyzing the Legislative cosponsorship networks in the process of multicultural, family, and gender legislation. First, I analyzed the Legislative cosponsorship networks centered on the proposed bills in the Women and Family Committee. Second, Analyze the network of joint initiatives for multicultural, family, gender related legislation and representative laws in each field. In this process, we analyze who participates in the Legislative cosponsorship networks and who is the leader of the political coalition. Finally, Understand the shared characteristics and differentiated characteristics of policy networks according to policy issues.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.