• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.48 no.4
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• pp.59-89
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• 2017

Changes in the public welfare attitudes are very important to the welfare politics and policy. Considering that variability of public welfare attitudes has been ignored in previous studies, we analyzed welfare attitudes changes at individual level in Korea. Using the longitudinal data from the Additional Survey of 2010/2013/2016 Korea Welfare Panel Survey, we analyzed the changes in public welfare attitudes during 2010th-2016th years. Major findings are as follows. First, one of the findings from analysis is that the public welfare attitudes are very active and dynamic in Korea. This finding is contradiction to the results of the previous researches that are point to the stability or inertia of the public welfare attitudes in western welfare states and also in Korea. Second, occurrences of the welfare attitudes change are related with various individual characteristics; income status, occupation status, age, region, sex, political ideology, etc. These results from this study on the welfare attitudes change suggest that dynamics of the Korea welfare politics in recent years reflected the dynamic changes in public welfare attitudes. And, they suggest that Korea welfare politics are transformed from the traditional classes welfare politics to the new welfare politics which are influenced by various interests of the socio-demographic groups.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.155-188
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• 2021

This study examines dynamics in election news making. It is important to understand when and how news media produce election news in order to grasp news making and voting behavior. The news media sometimes make election news by focusing on issues and policies. Often they frame elections as a game and focus on election strategies while covering elections. This article argues that as time goes by during the election period, the number of policy news tends to decrease while the frequency of strategic news is likely to increase. Also, TV's and newspapers show distinctive patterns of election news making. In order to examine the arguments, this study categorizes election news stories into policy and strategic news stories produced during the 2020 Korean congressional elections and constructs daily time-series data of them. The results of structural break and regression analyses partially support the arguments.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.3-35
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• 2012

This paper attempts to examine complicated relations which the nineteenth-century English novel of female development has with the Bildungsroman genre, and to discuss that the story of female development effectively realizes the potential dynamics of the genre. It looks into the history of discussions on the Bildungsroman which began at the end of the nineteenth-century in Germany and developed among twentieth-century Anglo-American critics, and those on the female development which didn't start until feminist criticism ventured out at the end of 1970s, and have developed into various perspectives ever since in accordance to the progress of feminist criticism. In general, Bildungsroman criticism considers that it portrays the process how the protagonist develops self and achieves an accommodation with society. However, this paper points out that the Bildungsroman is the narrative form which represents conflicts between self and society caused by idealizing the infinitive possibility of self-determination while simultaneously presenting the limited goal of social integration. It argues that the subversive dynamics of the genre can give full play to its potential when it reveals contradictions and tensions between individual subjectivity and integration into society and connects them with criticism of political and social structures. It is the stories of female Bildungshelds depicted by nineteenth-century female writers that exquisitely embody the subversive potential of the Bildungsroman. They acutely experience alienation from society where independency or autonomy is fundamentally impossible because the ideology of separate spheres does not allow them to live a meaningful life economically and sociologically outside the marriage. An example of a female Bildungsheld whose conflicts between development of self and integration with society are doubled by gender is Jane Eyre. Jane Eyre is a representative Bildungsroman with subversive dynamics, which tells the story of female development but splits itself through various techniques inserting contradictory and opposite meanings, thus resignifying female development and questioning social and political structures.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.265-285
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• 2009

The purpose of this study aims to interpretate the dynamics of the Social Citizenship of Marshall, and thereby to search a tool to evaluate the characteristics of social citizenship working at different welfare states and its developmental level. The existing study on the Marshall's Citizenship including the social citizenship mainly used to focus on Citizenship's composition, its basis and justification of rights to social citizenship. This implies to relatively neglect the concretization of social citizenship into social policy and its application to reality. Against this background, this study focuses on the embryological dynamics of Marshall's Social Citizenship and is to justify that social citizenship is historical concept which has been emerged in the complex development of modern capitalism, so called, the hyphenated society composed of Democracy, Capitalism and Welfarism. The study is to provide that complexity and dynamics of Marshall's social citizenship could be classified into some typology along political philosophical issues surrounding relationship between state and market and individual and community, and such typology can match the welfare state regime suggested by Esping-Anderson. Finally, this study is to prove that such typology could be used an analysis tool for current welfare states in the light of the welfare state regime.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

In order to reveal the differentiation of Nietzsche's justice theory, this paper attempted an intrinsic analysis of the political act of establishing a social contract with others through the fundamental concept of "will to the power", and the politics of modern nation including utilitarianism, liberalism and democracy. I will deal with criticism of ideology. In other words, it will be a work to clarify the fictitiousness and errors by digging out the ground of the value of justice as 'genealogical psychology' which strips off the psychological layers hidden behind the name of universal truth called 'virtue'. By dismantling the notion of self-righteous justice based on 'virtue' from 'immorality' as well as 'out of morality', it aims to reveal a new emotional dimension based on love, not retaliation. When Nietzsche emphasizes the role of positive emotions such as 'mercy' and 'forgiveness' rather than negative emotions such as revenge, retaliation, and grudge, while analyzing justice in the dynamics of power relations, By allowing exception rule, we will critically analyze whether universality and consistency are lost.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.4 s.115
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• pp.470-490
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• 2006

The paper critically examines resource mobilization theories, frame theory, and new social movement theories, and proposes studies on the spatiality of the social movements as one potential to mitigate the limitation in these theories. The resource mobilization theories and the frame theory, the strategy-oriented approaches, lack contextual understandings of the origin of social movements. While new social movement theories provide macro-scale analysis and the structural explanations of the origins of social movements, they have covered limited geographical areas. The spatiality of social movements promotes deep understandings of local differences, and contexts in and through which grievances are constructed and collective actions are organized. Physical structures and symbolic representations of places are often created and utilized as social movement strategies. The spatiality of social movements can be a useful conceptual tool to explain the diversity and the dynamics of social movements.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.2
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• pp.161-181
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• 2015

This article tries to identify the regulating mechanism of the welfare states on the private spheres of individuals and families. When the welfare state is to be understood as an institutional arrangement which is based upon the 'modernity', the reflectivity on the welfare state is about to be on the modernity and on the institutions as well. Authors assume the welfare state as an historical and developmental type of modern states. The critical components of modernity embedded in birth and growth of modern welfare states projected to their institutions are identified. Welfare states dissociates the political dynamics which have built the foundation of the welfare state itself, and faces against the new political dynamics of the individualized society. Finally, welfare state confronts the institution failure due to its intrinsic characteristics, and consequently individuals and families come across the institution dependency. Individuals in the overly rationalized spheres are being depoliticized, and they are identified themselves as the subjects of status-struggles of the institutions other than the subjects of the political dynamics of welfare states.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.136-167
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• 2001

본 논문은 1996년 노동법 개정을 둘러싼 노동계의 총파업에 대해 보수적 성향을 갖는 조선일보와 진보적 성향을 갖고 있던 한겨레가 어떠한 방식으로 이러한 쟁점을 재현하고 해석하는 지를 분석했다. 당시의 노동계 총파업은 내부적으로는 민주화에 따른 시민사회의 성숙과 외부적으로는 글로벌라이제이션에 따른 국가 간 경쟁의 가속화라는 두 가지 정치경제학적 요인이 교차하는 공간에서 일어났으며, 동시에 광범위한 국민적 지지를 확보한 파업으로 그 상징적 의미를 갖고 있다. 이와 같이 주요 사회적 쟁점에 대한 두 신문간의 차이를 분석하기 위해 질적 분석 방법인 서사분석(Narrative Analysis)과 양적 분석 방법인 조응분석(Correspondence Analysis)을 사용했다. 서사분석은 사건의 발생과 진행 그리고 결말 과정에서 대립되는 행위자의 상징적 담론을 분석함으로써 사회적 쟁점에 대한 신문사간의 뉴스보도의 차이점 또는 유사성을 구분할 수 있으며, 조응분석은 주요 쟁점에 대해 행위자들이 어떠한 방식으로 서로 연계되는 지를 파악함으로써 역동적으로 총파업에 대한 행위자들의 관계의 변화를 공간적으로 탐색할 수 있는 장점을 갖고 있다. 서사분석 결과, 두 신문은 각각 서로 다른 서사구조를 기반으로 주요 행위자의 담론적 기호를 정반대로 구성하고 있었다. 사건 발생 단계에서는, 두 신문이 각각 국가 경쟁력 강화와 노동전 보호를 중심적인 서사구조로 설정해 차이를 보였으며, 대통령 및 여당과 민주노총이 대립적인 행위자로 설정되었다. 사건의 발전 단계에서는, 총파업의 불법성과 적법성 문제에 대한 갈등을 기본 서사구조로 제시한 채, 노동계를 포함한 시민사회와 정부기관이 대립적인 행위자로 등장했다. 사건의 갈등 해소 단계에서는 문제 해결을 위한 방법으로 두 신문이 대통령과 야당 지도자간의 정치적 해결과 노동법 통과에 대한 위헌론 제기를 중심으로 한 노동단체들의 지속적인 연대를 중심 서사구조로 각각 제시했다. 이 시기에서 주요 행위자들의 대립관계는 종료되었다. 조응분석 결과, 사건 발생과 위기 고조 단계, 그리고 갈등 해소 단계등 모든 시기에서 두 신문의 주요 행위자 구성에 있어서 차이가 나타났다. 다시 말해, 조선일보는 기본적으로 총파업을 둘러싼 문제의 구성과 발전, 해소 과정에서 정당이나 대통령, 야당 지도자 등과 같은 정치관련 행위자를 강조하고 있었다. 반면에, 한겨레는 대체로 로든 사건진행 단계에서 노동 관련 단체들과 시민단체의 역동적인 연대와 활동에 초점을 맞추고 있는 것으로 나타났다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.107-152
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• 2010

This paper explores the historical process that created a specific understanding of and responses to atopic dermatitis(AD) in Korea. AD hardly has a status of an environmental disease in other societies but it is a representative environmental disease in South Korea in connection with various environmental pollutants, most notably with endocrine disrupting chemicals. This understanding of AD as an environmental disease led to an unprecedented legislation of the Environmental Health Act of 2008, a broad environmental health law with the precautionary principle and the focus on human aspect of environmental problems. In line with the growing body of works that articulate the roles of the public and culture in regulatory process, this paper argues that both the understanding of and the regulatory responses to AD owe greatly to the knowledge and political practice of the public, especially that of the 'Atopy moms'. Their knowledge practice that creatively appropriated scientific uncertainty regarding AD brought unexpected epistemological and political alliances, respectively with alternative medicine and with organic coop movement and an emergent political party and generated enough dynamics for the legislation of the EHA.