• Title/Summary/Keyword: 정치적 과정

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Naturally Collection and Development until Yolk Absorption of Domestic Walleye Pollock Theragra chalcogramma Fertilized Eggs and Larvae (국내 명태 Theragra chalcogramma 자연채란과 난황흡수까지의 난 발생)

  • Seo, Joo-young;Kwon, O-Nam
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.18 no.1
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    • pp.49-54
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    • 2017
  • We collected and reared Theragra chalcogramma walleye pollock brood-stock for use in natural spawning tests and undertook to obtain domestic pollock via fertilized egg capture, development of fertilized eggs, and absorption of yolk sac after hatching. Whole pollock were caught with trammel and set nets and immediately placed in a deep-sea water tank. Adults were the most common pollock age group (43.0%; n = 86) among the 254 pollock captured in March 2014 with 57.9% (n = 147) being captured off Southern Gosung, Korea. The main spawning period of pollock is February (spawning phase of 91% of pollock). From the deep-sea tank, we collected 1640 mL of naturally fertilized eggs (~820,000 eggs) from 12 spawning events occurring between February 4 and 22 2015. The floating/ live eggs were maintained in deep-sea water tanks at $5.5{\pm}0.2^{\circ}C$. Egg size was $1.5{\pm}0.03mm$. Six hours after fertilization the eggs were at the 2 cell stage, and the eggs hatched approximately 340 hours after collection. At hatching, larval length and yolk sac area were $5.2{\pm}0.25mm$ and $9.5{\pm}1.00mm^2$ (100%), respectively. Four days after hatching, the yolk sac area was $2.2{\pm}0.53mm^2$ ($23.1{\pm}5.55%$). This is the first report of collection of naturally fertilized eggs from pollock and their subsequent hatching while held in an indoor deep-sea water tank. The results suggest that such collection could assist in the recovery of pollock resources and the possibility of domestic rearing of cultivated larvae.

The Relationship Between Measurements of Color and Water-Holding Capacity in Pork Loin (돈육 등심의 육색과 보수력 측정치 사이의 상관관계에 관한 연구)

  • Moon, Sang-Hun;Jeong, Jin-Yeon;Kim, Gap-Don;Cho, In-Cheol;Jeon, Jin-Tae;Joo, Seon-Tea;Park, Gu-Boo
    • Journal of Animal Science and Technology
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    • v.51 no.4
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    • pp.329-336
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    • 2009
  • The objective of this study was to investigate the relationship between measurements of color and water-holding capacity (WHC) in pork loin. A total of 419 pork loins were sampled from crossbred (Landrace$\times$Jeju native black pig) F2 pigs at a commercial slaughter house. Meat color measurements (CIE $L^*$, $a^*$, $b^*$), chroma ($C^*$) and hue angle (h) were measured with the Minolta Chromameter and WHC was measured by filter paper fluid, drip loss and cooking loss. Also pH, moisture content and crude fat content were measured at 24 hr postmortem. CIE $L^*$, $b^*$ and h values had positive correlation with drip loss (r=0.52, 0.42), but CIE $a^*$ and $C^*$ values were not related to drip loss. Results showed that CIE $L^*$, $b^*$, and h color system was better than CIE $L^*$, $a^*$, $b^*$ color system to predict WHC, especially drip loss. pH was negatively correlated to drip loss (-0.42) and CIE $L^*$ (-0.67). Although CIE $L^*$ and pH were correlated to drip loss, the accuracy of their estimates for drip loss was 27% and 17%, respectively. Consequently, it was confirmed that meat color and WHC were not perfectly related and suggested that CIE $L^*$, $b^*$, and h color space should not be used independently to predict WHC of pork loin.

Characteristics and anti-obesity effect of fermented products of coffee wine (커피발효물의 발효특성 및 항비만 효과)

  • So Hyun Park;Hyeon Hwa Oh;Do Youn Jeong;Young-Soo Kim
    • Food Science and Preservation
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    • v.30 no.4
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    • pp.703-715
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    • 2023
  • This study was conducted to investigate the fermentation characteristics and anti-obesity effects of acetic acid fermentation products of coffee wine. The live cell counts, soluble solids, pH and total acidity of the acetic acid unfermented coffee wine (AUFCW; day 0, before fermentation) were 6.35 log CFU/mL, 8.10 °Brix, 3.88, and 1.29%, respectively, while the acetic acid fermented coffee wine (AFCW; day 15, after fermentation) were 4.40 log CFU/mL, 8.57 °Brix, 3.07, and 7.45%, respectively. Pancreatic lipase inhibitory activity tended to increase as the acetic acid fermentation period increased. The anti-obesity effects of AFCW on 3T3-L1 cells, which was induced by MDI, were evaluated based on the lipid accumulation rate, leptin expression, and fat production-related gene expression (PPAR-γ and SREBP-1c) at the mRNA level. In the case of AFCW, the lipid accumulation rate and leptin expression were decreased to 69.37% and 50.20% at a concentration of 200 ㎍/mL, respectively, and the expression levels of PPAR-γ and SREBP-1c at the mRNA level were decreased to 79.89% and 48.81%, respectively. These results indicate that anti-obesity effect of acetic acid fermentation products could be increased by acetic acid fermentation of coffee wine.

The Concentration of Economic Power in Korea (경제력집중(經濟力集中) : 기본시각(基本視角)과 정책방향(政策方向))

  • Lee, Kyu-uck
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.31-68
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    • 1990
  • The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.

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