• Analyses & Alternatives
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.99-124
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• 2024

The most essential task that ran through former President Roh Moo-hyun's political career was overcoming regionalism and transformation of the regional party system. After Roh Moo-hyun entered politics and before coming to power, he tried to overcome regionalism with a strategy of directly challenging regionalism by running for office in the Busan region. After winning the 16th presidential election, he sought to overcome regionalism and transforming the party system by proposing a grand coalition to transfer power to the main opposition party on the premise of reforming the electoral system. Roh Moo-hyun's strategy was to enable the two major parties to secure seats in each other's strongholds by introducing a highly proportional electoral system. However Roh Moo-hyun's strategy was not realized due to opposition from inside and outside the party and rejection by the Grand National Party. Roh Moo-hyun's strategy had a path-dependent long-term impact on subsequent Korean politics.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• 제67권2호
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• pp.161-181
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• 2015

This article tries to identify the regulating mechanism of the welfare states on the private spheres of individuals and families. When the welfare state is to be understood as an institutional arrangement which is based upon the 'modernity', the reflectivity on the welfare state is about to be on the modernity and on the institutions as well. Authors assume the welfare state as an historical and developmental type of modern states. The critical components of modernity embedded in birth and growth of modern welfare states projected to their institutions are identified. Welfare states dissociates the political dynamics which have built the foundation of the welfare state itself, and faces against the new political dynamics of the individualized society. Finally, welfare state confronts the institution failure due to its intrinsic characteristics, and consequently individuals and families come across the institution dependency. Individuals in the overly rationalized spheres are being depoliticized, and they are identified themselves as the subjects of status-struggles of the institutions other than the subjects of the political dynamics of welfare states.

• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 한국정보과학회언어공학연구회 2023년도 제35회 한글 및 한국어 정보처리 학술대회
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• pp.552-557
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• 2023

거대 언어 모델의 성능이 비약적으로 높아지며 인간과의 직접적인 상호 작용 과정이 가능해지고, 이에 따라 윤리 검증의 필요성이 대두되고 있다. 본 연구에서는 인간이 지닌 여러 가치관 중에 정치에 초점을 둔다. 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향이 사용자의 입력에 따라 변할 수 있는지와 하위 작업에 끼치는 영향에 대해 알아보고자 두 개의 실험을 설계하였고 이에 대한 결과를 분석하였다. 실험에는 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향을 입력 대조군으로, 세가지 다른 입력 (탈옥 기법, 정치 페르소나, 탈옥 페르소나)을 입력 실험군으로 규정하였다. 실험 결과, 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향은 탈옥 기법에서 가장 큰 폭으로 변화하였고, 정치 페르소나와 탈옥 페르소나에서는 변화가 크지 않아, 거대 언어 모델에 내재된 정치 성향의 영향에서 크게 벗어나지 못함을 확인하였다. 또한, 하위 작업에서의 실험을 통해 변화된 정치 성향은 하위 작업의 성능 개선을 가져올 수 있으며, 각 실험군에 따라 하위 작업에서 다른 방식의 양상을 보임을 확인하였다. 이는 실제 모델이 사용될 때 개인화된 응답보다는 모델이 선호하는 응답을 받게 되며, 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향이 사용자에게 여과없이 노출될 수 있음을 시사한다.

• 대학교육
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• 통권96호
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• pp.74-82
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• 1998

대학에서의 여성학 교육은, 고학력 여성들로 하여금 개인적 각성과 사회참여 욕구를 불러일으킬 뿐 아니라, 자신의 사회참여를 가로막는 그 장벽까지도 변화시켜 나가도록 인도함으로써 사회 전체의 경쟁력을 제고하는 중요한 요소가 되고 있다. 또한 하나하나의 개인적 경험들이 어떻게 사회 전체의 성(gender) 체계와 연관되어 있는지를 밝혀내고 이런 작업을 통해서 일상생활의 정치화를 유도함으로써, 개인의 범주를 넘어서는 사회구조를 인식할 수 있는 능력을 키운다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제52권
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• pp.90-110
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• 2010

This study problematizes the youth‘s politico-cultural process of identification as becoming in the context of candle demonstration in Seoul, 2008. We examine their ethical subjectivity, communicative subjectivity and political subjectivity based on our analysis of depth interviews of teenage activists in the candle demonstrations. It is suggested that instead of naming the teens as the historical consequence of so-called 386 generation, or social product in the neo-liberal economic and educational conditions, we need to understand the complexities and dynamics of the youth’s practice of identity politics: subjective pain and anxiety in daily life, creation and sharing of pleasure and fun of peer group comunication are mixed into the pursuit of justice in their social activation of generation/gender politics.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.391-406
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• 2024

The current distribution of digital news has the potential to produce politically biased information for users as a result of individual choices and media selection based on those choices. Consequently, this research explored the factors affecting individual news selection and the effects of opinion changes and political participation that can occur when news tailored to users' partisan preferences is recommended. The phenomenon of selective exposure has been shown to be stronger when individuals utilize more limited information processing, experience higher discussion efficacy among groups with similar political beliefs. Furthermore, When a selective exposure group was randomly provided with a one-way message news that matched their partisan leanings, it was found that opinion consolidation, opinion-reinforcing information processing, and online political participation. On the other hand, when they were randomly presented with two-way messaging news in which the media balanced two competing partisan positions, they were found to be more likely to understand the other side's views and arguments, and more willing to adjust their existing opinions. We are confirmed that the balanced use of various opinions is very important in deliberative democratic process.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• 제146권
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• pp.193-217
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• 2018

Following the lead of Isaiah Berlin, many liberals favor a negative conception of liberty because it limits the amount of interference and coercion that the state has in individual's lives. Such moves leave individuals to place value on their life choices or step back and revise them if desired. It is one thing, however, to argue that modern republicanism characterized by liberty as non-domination contains an alternative conception of liberty.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제28권4호
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.7-30
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• 2017

The conspiracy theories of political events are occurring in every country and society. In Korean society, conspiracy theories about political events are constantly happening. Conspiracy refers to the phenomenon of a particular individual or group who oppose the official causes of social phenomena. Conspiracy is a resistance to the credibility of the state and the government. In Korean society, conspiracy occurs mainly in political events. The conspiracy theories of political events appear in the form of conservatism and progressivism, which seeks to replace political power and political power to stabilize political power. The conspiracy theory about Jang Jun-Ha's death occurred in the process of seeking justification for a person who is resisting the ruling forces. Also, the conspiracy theory of the Gwangju Democratization Movement and the Cheonan Warship Sinking may be a drag on the justification for the justification for the takeover of the new military government and the justification for the Disconnection of inter-Korean relations. In Korean politics, Conspiracy theory is a factor that confuses Korean society regardless of whether it is true or not.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제41권
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• pp.232-267
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• 2008

This study is a comparative analysis of news frames between Chosunilbo and Hankyereh which have shown contrastive political attitude. The coverage of two political scandal, the Prime Minister Lee Haechan's golf happening and an Assemblyman of opposition party Choi Yeonhee's sexual harassment were analysed. The two political scandals were occurred one after the other and had some similarities. But two newspapers showed very contrastive frame on the two political scandals. On the Prime Minister Lee's scandal Chosunilbo showed politicizing frame, lobby golf frame, immorality frame, resignation frame. In contrast Hankyereh used depoliticization frame and human error frame. On the Assemblyman Choi's scandal Hankyereh showed politicizing frame, personal responsibility frame, immorality frame, resignation frame. But Chosunilbo used social responsibility frame and human error frame. In conclusion two newspapers showed very contrastive coverage according to the respective political attitude.