• Journal of Ethics
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• no.82
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• pp.53-72
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• 2011

The North Korea have supported their own political ideological education system to maintain their basic framework of society. The north korean political education contents become from now on it be done harder. That answer is up to the government of the North Korea, and the general public in North Korea would be going after it. However, when we review this closely, both positions of the North Korean government and the general public would be different each other as before. I would figure out whether the political ideological education system in North Korea would be going on with making realistic changes or just maintaining their old system. The political and ideological education might make settled flexibility. On the other hand, we can expect that it could be reinforced by the North Korean government. For this content, this research is going to try to understand the characteristics of North Korea's ideological education policy considering both position of the North Korean government and the general public thoroughly.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.7-39
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• 2016

Journalism and Mass Communication as an academic field is believed more politicized one than pure literature and natural science. With the growth of the media, there follows additional opportunities for media scholars to take a part in politics as well. Few attention was given to understand the status and mechanism of political intervention either as advisers or decision makers though. This study attempts thus to fill this vacuum. For this, first of all, it examines a various types of laws related to media politics. Total number of 164 scholars who participated in 12 councils and commissions were analyzed on the following step. Research shows that there are patterns which favor Seoul National University, U.S. trained Ph. D and geographic preference to the capital. Neither academic excellence nor commitment to public interest appear to have impact on taking those positions. Taking into account media's expansion into politics, it is inevitable for media scholars to take responsibility not only in policy making but in taking leadership. Accordingly, the question of necessity is not who but how as much as manner. The authors hope this study will be a valuable opportunity to establish a kind of ethical standards in media politics.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.301-332
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• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.7-48
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• 2009

The recent crises of Marxism do not mean Marx’s crisis. Marx said that he was not a Marxist. The purposes of this essay explore (1) the modern identity of the political economy; (2) the possibilities of mutual understanding between neoclassical economics and Marxist economics; (3) problems of the political economy in media and communication industry. I have begged for analytical Marxists, because of their good fruits. They accepted the methods of modern social science and they constituted a tremendous advance in the application of the scientific methods to the study of society. In insisting on micro-foundations(methodological individualism), analytical Marxism distinguished itself from structuralism and functionalism. I appreciate that analytical Marxism has reduced a theory to practice. But the works didn’t listen to everyone(from Marxists to un-Marxists), and explain everything. Making theory with production/consumption, macro/micro, and structure/behavior is a road to the political economy in the long run. It also applies to media and communication industry. The realm of media/communication is broad, which in philosophy, humanities, politics, economics, sociology, and engineering. And media policy is more complicated by politicians who look at the same situation from different angles. By the aid of interdisciplinary research, the political economy of media/communication shall explain at full length.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.187-219
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• 2009

Under the pressure of the selection of topics and the presentation rules of mass media, politics in media society increasingly resort to professionalized forms of theatrical staging as a means of self-portrayal. Although these staging methods are not contradictory to what is actually going on in politics, they strongly advantage the tendency to focus exclusively on the staging of an event. Through their competition for public attention, politicians have been developing sophistication regarding placement and staging of events as well as regarding factual information. In the process of this transformation, politics that are issue-related and based on binding decisions are being gradually transformed into symbolic politics. Moreover, through their appearance on TV, politicians first of all need to possess presentational skills which are not necessarily related to their political achievements. Still, presentational skills decide over the success in politics of those politicians. The reason is that a politician who possesses presentational skills is still being perceived as being successful even if his political achievements notedly lag behind. On the other hand, political achievements are being underrated if a politician lacks the talent to present himself in front of the media. “The staging of politics, “politainment”, on the stage of mass media is evolving into a key structure which is responsible for a new coinage of politics in all different kinds of dimensions: the selection of staff, the role of action programs and their impact for the legitimation of political acting, even in relation to therole of pivotal political institutions such as parties and parliaments in the political process. The TV debates during the Bundestag elections of the year 2002 and 2005 are being analyzed and judged as “staging of politics”(politainment). Self-dramatization in media society concerning media discourses about politics and political self-portrayal has become a basic principle of political communication. Self-dramatization is a vital challenge for adequate political communication and content-based orientation in our present media democracies.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.431-443
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• 2017

This study explored factors influencing socialization of child care. Political ideology and age were found as major predicting factors of socialization of care. Age, especially, was confirmed as an important predicting factor of socialization of care. Also, those with more progressive political ideology had the higher level of socialization of care. This finding reassured that socialization of care were considered as political issues in Korea. Income did not predict socialization of care, although it is said that a tax increase provoked conflicts between socioeconomic classes. Issues of caring were shared among people regardless of income levels. Therefore, specific interventions are necessary for preventing caring issues from using as a political lever, overcoming value differences between generations, and promoting social integration.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.32 no.5
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• pp.101-117
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• 2013

This study compares the relative effectiveness of affective factor(Ad attitude) and cognitive factor(candidate cognition) on candidate attitude among three ad types - direct comparative, indirect comparative, and noncomparative ads. The results showed that in direct comparative advertising context the candidate cognition is dominant in determining candidate attitude. In indirect comparative advertising context candidate cognition is also dominant in determining candidate attitude, but the difference is less than direct comparative advertising. In noncomparative advertising context the ads attitude is dominant in determining candidate attitude. According to research outcomes, it could be said that direct comparative advertising is more effective than indirect comparative advertising in political advertising area.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Fisheries Technology Conference
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• 2001.05a
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• pp.567-568
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• 2001

여수 돌산도 연안은 자원학적ㆍ해양학적인 특색에 의해서 오래전부터 해양생물들이 산란ㆍ서식장으로 이용되어 왔으며, 다양한 생물들이 풍부하게 서식하고 있는 곳이다. 최근 급진적인 산업화에 의해 오염물질이 다량유입으로 유입되어 생태계가 파괴되고 있으며, 연안에 밀집된 가두리 양식장에 직접적인 피해를 주고 있다. 우리나라 정치망 어장에 출현하는 어류의 군집구조에 관한 연구는 소형 정치망 자료에 의한 천수만 어류의 계절에 따른 종조성 및 양적 변동 (이ㆍ석, 1984), 경북 연안의 정치망 업(서 등, 1986)과 경북 영일만 영안 정치망 어장에 출현한 어류군집의 종조성 및 양적 변동(한 등, 1997)등이 있다. (중략)

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.10 no.7
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• pp.207-212
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• 2012

This research explores the effect of features of political candidate on the electors' emotion and support. Though lots of researches have been proceeded about nonverbal communication clues such as posture, gesture, makeup, the research on the effect of glasses which can express in the face of candidate on the electors can not be easily found. For this experimental research, 2 group of subjects composed of university students was exposed to different type of TV address video and respond to survey questions which were analysed by SPSS program. This research found that the glasses of candidate could affect good feeling and support of electors but not on intimacy and confidence of them.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.90-110
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• 2010

This study problematizes the youth‘s politico-cultural process of identification as becoming in the context of candle demonstration in Seoul, 2008. We examine their ethical subjectivity, communicative subjectivity and political subjectivity based on our analysis of depth interviews of teenage activists in the candle demonstrations. It is suggested that instead of naming the teens as the historical consequence of so-called 386 generation, or social product in the neo-liberal economic and educational conditions, we need to understand the complexities and dynamics of the youth’s practice of identity politics: subjective pain and anxiety in daily life, creation and sharing of pleasure and fun of peer group comunication are mixed into the pursuit of justice in their social activation of generation/gender politics.