• Informatization Policy
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.3-20
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• 2012

This study examines the trend and issues of sociological studies of social network service(SNS). For this purpose, the studies were classified into three types. The first type of study concerns spatial characteristics of SNS. It deals with the impact of such SNS usage on individual attitudes and behaviors. The second type of the study focuses on the formation process of interrelationship among users. It is based on sociological concepts such as trust and social capital. The last type of study emphasizes the impact of SNS on society. The study includes the issues of social movement and political participation. In the future study of SNS, more diverse sociological subjects, such as social integration, exclusion, public welfare, and affective support need to be dealt with.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.295-304
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• 2013

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Disaster Information Conference
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• 2015.11a
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• pp.217-220
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• 2015

위험에 대한 인문사회학적인 고찰은 물리적이고 기술적으로 대응하는데 주력하는 재난관리 연구에 새로운 통찰을 제공하고, 재난관리가 국민들에게 제공되어지는 국가의 서비스라는 측면에서 많은 시사점을 제공할 수 있다. 한국에서의 위험에 대한 인문사회학적 논의는 산업사회의 다음 단계로써 현대사회가 바로 위험사회라는 사회변동론적인 접근을 하는 울리히 벡의 "위험사회론"에 경도되어 풍부한 논의와 발전이 이루어지지 못하고 있다. 루만의 위험사회학은 소통에 기반을 둔 방대한 사회체계이론으로 위험에 관련한 소통을 위해와 위험으로 구별함으로써 현대사회에서의 위험에 대한 인식과 대처에 새로운 안목을 제시함과 동시에 문제점을 파악할 수 있도록 한다. 또한 루만의 위험사회학이 이론적으로 정교한 체계이론에 기반하고 있기 때문에 행위자기반 시뮬레이션을 통하여 위험과 관련된 체계들, 즉, 재난관리체계, 정치체계, 법체계, 경제체계, 환경 체계, 언론체계, 등의 다이나믹스를 이해할 수 있는 토대를 마련할 수 있다.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.179-200
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• 2001

In this study, the conceptual model which can integrate the social process and technological teaming in technological innovation is developed and applied to the analysis of the cases on the innovation of Korean mobile telecommunication industry. Korean mobile telecommunication Industry has two peculiar characteristics. First, there have been rapid technological loaming and catching-up processes in Korean mobile telecommunication which have never been in other newly industrializing countries. Second, CDMA is the only multiple access mode which has been used in cellular phone service. It is the purpose of this study to analyse how these characteristics have been emerged during past ten years based on the suggested model integrating the social process of technology selection and technological learning.

• Survey Research
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.127-147
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• 2017

Despite the importance of questionnaires, little survey methodology research on questionnaire design has been conducted in Korea. The purpose of this study was to explore whether two questionnaire forms (close-ended vs. open-ended questions) about 'the most important problem in Korea' elicited similar responses. During the 2016 Korean General Social Survey (KGSS), a random half of respondents were asked the open-ended question form and the remaining half were asked the close-ended question form. While the economy is the most mentioned response (35% vs. 33.2%) to both close-ended and open-ended question forms, there is similarity in the order of highly mentioned responses if we consider that 'politics' is not provided as one of response categories in the close-ended question form. The order of second to fourth response category is crime (24.4%), education (15.4%), and poverty (6.3%) to the closed-ended question form, and politics (10.8%), crime (9.5%), and education (7.6%) to the open-ended question form. Also, the characteristics of respondents who responded with the economy as being the most important are slightly different between the two halves in terms of age, household income, and satisfaction with economic condition. Our findings suggest that we need to be careful when we adopt questions developed in other countries and to consider using survey experiments in pre-testing questionnaire items.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.7-48
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• 2009

The recent crises of Marxism do not mean Marx’s crisis. Marx said that he was not a Marxist. The purposes of this essay explore (1) the modern identity of the political economy; (2) the possibilities of mutual understanding between neoclassical economics and Marxist economics; (3) problems of the political economy in media and communication industry. I have begged for analytical Marxists, because of their good fruits. They accepted the methods of modern social science and they constituted a tremendous advance in the application of the scientific methods to the study of society. In insisting on micro-foundations(methodological individualism), analytical Marxism distinguished itself from structuralism and functionalism. I appreciate that analytical Marxism has reduced a theory to practice. But the works didn’t listen to everyone(from Marxists to un-Marxists), and explain everything. Making theory with production/consumption, macro/micro, and structure/behavior is a road to the political economy in the long run. It also applies to media and communication industry. The realm of media/communication is broad, which in philosophy, humanities, politics, economics, sociology, and engineering. And media policy is more complicated by politicians who look at the same situation from different angles. By the aid of interdisciplinary research, the political economy of media/communication shall explain at full length.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.387-415
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• 2009

The crisis of moral-ethical school subject is related to the scientific identity of moral education in Korean society. Because it's identity hasn't been established yet exactly. At past time 'National Ethics' included not only moral education, but also anti-Communist education and education of political ideology or propaganda. The scientific foundation of ethical education is on ethics, and it is a branch of philosophy. But to escape this fact, some scholars relating with ethical education claimed to need 'interdisciplinary approach' to ethical subject. As a result, they allowed other department to give their certificates. Futhermore it is at a crisis to be integrated into social subject. Philosophy as scientific origin of ethics has already not interdisciplinary character but the idea of integrated science. So there is no necessity for finding another scientific foundation. Now following the original goal of ethical education, they try to train the ability of moral judgement to solve various moral problems rationally, and to cultivate moral disposition that can practice the ideal and principles of life.