• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.41-77
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• 2021

It has been 20 years since the gender quota system for expanding women's political representation was enacted. However, the proportion of Korean women's representatives has not exceeded 20 percent. This study examines how the gender quota system, public funding for women candidates, and public funding for women's development, which are the three pillars of the legal system to expand women's representation, have changed systematically over the past 20 years, how they affected women's representation, and what institutional limitations they have. In addition, it explores the im/possible conditions of reforms for expanding women's representation. To reform the legal system for women's representation, it is necessary to understand that Korea's political system is arranged in a gender-based way in a male-dominated structure, while also understanding that the existence of critical actors and mass driving reforms for gender equality in politics is essential.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.69 no.2
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• pp.9-30
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• 2017

Generally, regime shift occurs less frequently than policy change and/or government change. Regime shift needs alterations and changes along the three critical components which constitute a domestic regime: (1) the character of the socioeconomic coalition that rules the country; (2) the political and economic institutions through which power is acquired and exercised; and (3) the public policy profile that give political direction to the nation. This paper tries to examine characteristics of the welfare regime of Korea, and explore policy reform options for the welfare regime shift in Korea. From the viewpoint of livelihood security perspective, I firstly tries to examine development process of Korean welfare regime and specify the main characteristics of that regime. Secondly, I present three policy reform options: (1) reform of the formal political institutions such as electoral system and government type; (2) restructuring of the composition of government expenditure structure; and (3) reduction of the informal employment. These three policy reform options are related to the alteration of socioeconomic coalitions and the changes of the political and economic institutions. Instead of concluding remarks, I finally suggest two debate topics to the round table discussion.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.209-235
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• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• JOURNAL OF ELECTRICAL WORLD
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• s.292
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• pp.21-26
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• 2001

올해는 건청궁 시등으로부터 114년, 한성정기회사 설립으로부터 103년이 되는 해이다. 모두 한 세기를 훌쩍 넘어선 이런 때에 통합체제였던 전력사업이 다시 분할 민등화되는 전력사적 대 전환점에 서게 되었다. 지난 한 세기 동안 전력사업은 정치, 경제, 사회의 변혁 그리고 전력기술의 발전과 더불어 소용돌이쳐 왔다. 사회 경제와 밀접한 연관관계를 갖는 공익사업이기 때문에 공익을 위해 겪어야만 했던 발자취이다. 한성전기 설립 이후 일정말기 태평양전쟁 수행을 위해 정치적, 전FIR적 개편을 강행한 것을 제외하면 순수한 공익목적 달성을 위해 사업의 발전적 해체 및 재정비가 이루어진 전력사적 대 전환점은 세 번 정도 있었다. (1) 초기의 창업과 사업의 난립, (2) 발송전설비의 계획적 배치와 배전권역의 대통합, (3) 통합 한전의 발족 등이 그것이다. 대전환의 도래는 약 35년에서 40년 주기를 보이고 있는데 경제변환주기처럼 순환론적 메커니즘에 의한 변환을 겪은 건 아니지만 ''전력사적 변환''의 필요성이 제기되어 몇 년씩 들끓다가 의식의 순화과정을 거쳐 새로운 구조로 탈바꿈한 발전단계를 거쳐왔다. 지금 우리 전력산업계가 대전환의 시점에 직면해서 여러 가지 진통을 겪고 있는 것도 새로운 체제가 태어나는 역사적 필연의 단계라고 할 수 있다.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.10 no.1 s.33
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• pp.189-199
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• 2005

Technology has many potential uses and changes by social context surrounding it. Therefore political implications are reflected in the internal logical system of articraft, technology. This explanation is ale to apply to the regulation technology of Internet. The empowerment of information is changeable according as which regulation technology is adopted. This paper explores the structure, principle and its social implication of regulation technology of Internet, which coincides with user empowerment of information as a case of ICRS(Internet Content Rating System).

• Computational Structural Engineering
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.187-196
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• 1998

불연속 갤러킨 정식화에 기초를 둔 시간적분법에 대하여 시간을 변수로 한 유한요소적 접근법을 시도하였다. 단일 형상함수와 두 형상함수 정식화에 대해 각각 선형, 이차 형상함수를 적용하여 모두 네 종류의 시간적분법을 유도하였으며, 각 방법에 대하여 시간시텝의 증가에 따른 변위와 속도의 관계를 나타내는 증폭행렬을 계산하였다. 유도된 방법들의 성능을 평가하기 위하여 부하가 갑자기 변화는 진동 문제를 해석하고 변위의 오차를 비교하였다. 네 가지의 방법에 대하여 국부 오차 추정치를 개발하였으며, 오차 추정치의 정확도를 수치예를 이용하여 평가하였다. 단일 형상함수 정식화에서 이차 형상함수를 이용한 오차 추정치가 실제 국부오차를 잘 나타내었으며 유도된 오차 추정치는 시간간격제어 기법에서 시간간격의 크기를 결정하는 척도로 이용 가능하다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.420-437
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• 1994

The starting point of the research is the relation between capital restructuring and urban restructuring. The economic restructuring, which has been caused by the economic crisis in the early 1970s in the United States has brought a spatial restructuring at different geographic scales. The degree of the success of urban restructuring is contingent to the local economic and political environments. The local contingent factor such as local politics should not be neglected for investigating the restructuring process. Through the case study of Chicago, the research provides two inconsistencies in applying the structural approach to the local level: first, the lack of the theoretical link between crisis and restructuring; and second, the crucial importance of local politics in shaping urban development.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.27-69
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• 2009

This paper studies the logic of fiscal constraints and fiscal autonomy in a political agency model with both moral hazard and adverse selection. The electoral process not only disciplines incumbents who may act against the public interest but also opts in politicians who are most likely to act along voters' interests. We characterize perfect Bayesian equilibria under shared tax system and fiscal autonomy with fiscal constraints for local public good provision. It is shown that the local voters' expected welfare under fiscal autonomy is higher than under shared tax system if the same fiscal constraints are applied. In order to examine the effects of party's candidate selection processes on the behavior of local politician and national politician, we extend the model to an environment where local politician can compete for the candidacy of national assembly with incumbent national politician. If local politician wins majority of votes against incumbent national politician, then he can move on to serve as a national politician. Otherwise, his political career will end as a local politician. It is the gist of this primary system portrayed by this setup that local politician and national politician compete to garner more votes. Therefore, primary system as a candidate selection mechanism enhances local residents' welfare compared to top-down candidate selection processes.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.3-18
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• 2015

We explore the issues on online political participation study in Korea compared with international one. More specifically, we characterize Korea's study trends as focusing on "who" is participating while international studies center on what the new "forms" of online political participation are. In other words, domestic studies try to show that online media play a role as a factor promoting bottom-up model of civic participation. Moreover, this function of online media is stimulated by the rapid growing of civic participation during democratization and citizens' deep disapproval of political institutions since then. However, previous studies are more interested in the expansion of participants, in particular, ordinary people. Therefore, the themes on conceptualizing and categorizing the online political participation seem to have been treated lightly. In this perspective, we need to view online political participation in a more multidimensional manner. In addition, we should pay attention to "those who do not participate" as well as "those who participate" in politics. Because the current media environment more tends to provoke citizens' political indifference than ever before. If it comes to that, we will be likely to face the circumstances worrying the democratic divide beyond the digital divide.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.161-196
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• 2018

The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.