• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.141-177
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• 2019

This paper explains cross-national variation of CPI(corruption perception index) centering on legal culture. By critically reviewing previous researches on effects of British common law system on corruption, we define legal culture as citizens' perception of their legal system. Specifically, measuring legal culture with respect to courts fairness and courts accessibility, we test two hypotheses on effects of legal culture on corruption. A cross-national comparison of 78 countries with OLS regression analyses reveals that courts fairness tends to lower the level of corruption while courts accessibility does not have a significant effect on corruption. Based on this result, we suggest policy implications for judicial reform as well as anti-corruption measure, which puts more emphasis on reforming legal practice that hinders courts fairness than increasing legal service supply. In addition, as the essence of legal culture lies in citizens' shared perception of the legal system, we argue that a broad and solid citizens' consciousness of fair and equitable legal procedures is indispensable in preventing corruption.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.191-205
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• 2016

North Korea(NK) has designated the special economic zones(SEZs) since the first one in Rason. But, why have the SEZs in NK still not been developed successfully? This study comparatively evaluated the SEZs in China, Vietnam and NK, with respect to 'context/purpose', 'development/management system', and 'location/infrastructure.' NK's strategies for the SEZs were different from those of China and Vietnam in terms of historical context and development purpose. China and Vietnam chose the market opening policy aiming to reform their national economy, while NK tried the opening policy without the economic reform. This difference made NK's decentralization and location strategies marginal. In spite of the positive land system and tax benefit of NK, the strategies couldn't make a successful result. The implications of this comparative study are as follows. Firstly, NK needs to establish a strategy for the SEZs in accord with the comprehensive and long-term plan for economic development and 'trustworthy and substantial market-systems' being compatible with outside world. For that, NK has to secure the regime stability in political and diplomatic dimensions. Secondly, NK has to carry out policies of decentralization and location of the SEZs more positively. Thirdly, in order to solve the problem related to lack of infrastructure capital, NK needs to utilize a BOT scheme.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.51
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• pp.5-28
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• 2002

The purpose of this paper is to examine the issues and the characteristics of the recent social security pension debate in the United States. For the purpose the transforming process from the funded system to the pay-as-you-go system in the 1930s, three alternatives of social security reform proposed by the Social Security Administration in 1996, and the other various alternatives proposed by the politicians, the business leaders and the scholars were analysed. While the alternatives were compared, the critical issues could be identified. The core issues were as follows. First, the individual accounts should be newly made or not? Second, who is the main administrator, government or private investment companies? Third, what is important, the inter-generational and the vertical income redistribution effect or the individual equity in social security pension system? Besides, the different positions of the social forces were also examined. The supporters of privatizing the social security pension, supporters of IA and PSA, prefer the value of equity, the effect of promoting savings, the private management of the social security funds, and the investment of the funds to the private capital markets. The supporters of pay-as-you-go system, supporters of MB, prefer the inter-generational and the vertical income redistribution effect of social security pension, and were convinced that fundamental changes of the systems are not necessary, and the insolvency problem could be overcome through a few reform, for example, increasing the rate and decreasing the benefits.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.35-71
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to verify the effect of electoral competition on voters deciding on strategic split-ticket voting under the mixed-member electoral system. As result, the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose to vote for the major parties. The results of logistic regression analysis including interaction terms showed that the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose for candidates from the major parties. Also, the finding shows that major party supporters are less affected by electoral competition than minor party supporters in choosing a candidate in the single-seat districts. In the case of minor party supporters, the more competitive the constituencies were, the more likely they were to choose the major party candidate instead of the minor party candidate. Based on these results, it can be inferred that voters are affected by the presence or behavior of other voters in local constituencies under the first-past-the-post rule. Because of the psychology of not wanting their votes to be useless, voters cast their ballots more strategically as the competition in constituencies intensifies, and as the competition in constituencies slackens, such tendencies weaken, and this trait is particularly evident among minor party supporters.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.153-176
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• 2017

중국 경제성장에 핵심적 역할을 해왔던 광동성(廣東省) 동관시(東?市)는 지리적으로 근접해 있는 홍콩을 이용하여 줄곧 경제발전을 추구해 왔다. 1980년대 초반은 홍콩으로부터 가전산업 관련 중소 다국적 기업이 동관지역에 진출하여 생산 공장을 세우고, 그 후 1990년 중반에는 대만의 PC제조업체의 진출이 잇따르면서 현재 동관에는 정보통신산업과 PC부품 및 전자산업 중심으로 지역 산업클러스터가 발전해 왔다. 동관시 산업클러스터 사례는 개혁개방이후 중국 제조업 산업의 발전뿐만 아니라, 글로벌 시대에 해외직접투자와 아시아지역 후-후발산업국가에서의 지역경제의 성장 및 산업발전과정의 연구에 대한 이론적 시사점을 줄 수 있는 지역적 사례 중의 하나다. 본 연구는 광동성 동관시 지역산업클러스터의 사례를 중심으로 이론적으로는 지역산업발전의 내생적 성장요인 분석(NMID) 혹은 글로벌 생산네트워크와의 외부적 연계성을 기초로 하는 산업의 지역적 분화(GPN)에 대한 이 두 관점을 상호 비교하고, 글로벌 생산체계에서 공간적으로 현재 동관시 지역이 가지고 있는 산업클러스터의 위치와 역할을 설명하였다. 또한 산업적인 측면에서 생산네트워크 접근틀과 제도적 역량이라는 이론적 관점을 활용하여 중국 동관시 지역산업과 기업들이 보유하고 있는 상대적 경쟁력을 분석하였다.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.20 no.3_4
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• pp.111-174
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• 1998

현재 우리나라 경제구조조정의 3대 핵심분야의 하나인 공기업 부문의 성공적인 개혁을 위해서는, 공기업 내부효율 차원을 넘어 정부의 역할, 산업정책의 목표 및 경쟁정책과 산업정책간의 갈등이라는 보다 근본적인 차원에서 공기업문제에 접근하는 것이 필요하다. 본고에서는 특히 상업성이 강한 대규모 공기업에 중점을 두고, 그 설립배경에서 출발하여 현행 공기업정책이 지난 문제점을 산업정책 및 경쟁정책과 연계하여 분석하고 공기업 경영 및 자원배분의 효율성을 제고할 수 있는 민영화 및 경영혁신방안을 제시하고 있다. 특히 선정부 출범 이후 추진되고 있는 민영화계획은 다음과 같은 점에서 개선될 필요가 있다. 첫째, 민영화대상 공기업들은 완전민영화 이전에 1997 년에 도입된 "공기업 특별법"의 적용을 받도록 하여 이윤동기 및 기업가치 극대화에 의거한 기업경영 및 지배구조의 정착을 유도하되, 특별법의 내용을 보완하여 기업경영에 대하여 주무부처의 간섭으로부터 완전독립을 보장하는 것이 요구된다. 둘째, 민영화에 따른 효율제고의 효과를 최대한 얻기 위해서는 완전민영화 이전에라도 산업정책, 규제정책 및 경쟁정책 등을 기업경영과 분리해야 한다. 이를 위하여, 자연독점적 산업에 대한 요금규제를 위해 독립된 규제기관을 설치해야 하고 민영화 대상 공기업의 정부보유주식을 관리하는 공기업지주회사의 설립을 검토할 필요가 있다. 셋째, 주무부처의 부처이기주의를 초월하여 민영화계획을 효과적으로 집행하기 위해서는 강력한 정치적 리더십이 뒷받침되는 범정부적 추진체제를 갖추는 것이 필요하다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.145-171
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• 2018

Laos' 2017 is a year of political "stagnation" and economic "change". In the political arena, despite the achievements such as the improvement of the corruption perception index (CPI), it is necessary to watch the progress of the reform. Diplomatically, the influence of China is expected to increase further. In particular, since November 2017, Xi Jinping's visit to Laos is expected to strengthen the framework of cooperation between the economic corridor and Lanchang-Mekong Cooperation Meeting. And Laos continued to have friendly relations with other neighboring countries, the ASEAN countries. However, the issue of the Laos-Cambodian border issue following the general election in Cambodia may recur. The economic sector maintained a high growth rate due to capital inflows from the construction of large infrastructures and the favorable tourism industry, but structural problems such as deficits in the fiscal and current account should be resolved. Korea and Laos discussed the comprehensive cooperation between the two countries through the Mekong Senior Officials' Meeting in March 2017 and the Ministerial Meeting of the Korean-Lao Foreign Minister in September 2017. Laos is Korea's eighth ODA aid (grant), and ODA will become an important diplomatic cooperation channel between the two countries in the future. In the economic relationship, the trade sector is on a declining trend, but investment and human exchanges are steadily increasing.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.3-35
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• 2009

We have innovated the records management since 2004. So, We innovated the electronic records management, transparency, and accountability. From these results, we could mark a turning point to plant the democratic values in the government It is very surprising, but it is fact that there are the estrangement between the high level institutionalization and low level records cultural soil. But after starting new government, things have been going backward. We have experienced the hyper-politicized problem, shrinking governance problem, regressive personnel policies in the National Archives of Korea. 'New Innovation Model' has resulted the shrinking democratic values, and the growing the bureaucratism. At this point of change, it will be meaningful to review the future of records management. First, we should make the more archives to realize the self-control decentralization model. It means that all local governments has the duty to build the archives, and to operate it with a principle of autonomy. Second, We should start the culture movement to build the more archives, the small archives in private sector. Archives are necessary in the NGO, Universities, firms, art, media, etc. And the small archives are necessary in the various communities, which enhance the rights of minority. All these will spread the democratic values in our society. Third, right democracy system should be operated for the political neutrality, independency. This problem is not prohibited within the national archives innovation model. So, we should transfer the powers of government to local government, and we should re-innovate the National Archives Committee will have the role to make the important records management policies. In short, Unless going to forward with the more democratic values, it would go backward 'records management without democracy'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.