• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.35
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• pp.3-40
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• 2013

Establishment and expansion of a FOI regime is a fundamental basis for modern democracy. Informed decisions and supports by the people are critical to establishment of democratic institutions and policies. The best tool to make informed decisions and to ensure accountability is the FOI. For effective FOI, good records management is necessary requirement. This paper observes and analyses the development of the FOI in the U.S., the Open Government policy, and the government records management reforms under Obama Administration to search viable solutions for Korean FOI and public records management reforms. Major revisions and advancement of the FOIA in the United States are examined, especially the revision of the FOIA as the OPEN Government Act of 2007. The FOIA revision enhanced greatly the freedom of information in the U.S. including the establishment of an independent FOI ombudsman by the Congress. The paper also discusses the Presidential memoranda on the Open Government and the FOI by President Obama, the following directives, Presidential memorandum on government records management and the Government Records Management Directive. Major contents of the directives, plans, and achievement are summarized and analysed. Finally, this paper compares the government records management reforms under former President Roh Mu Hyun with the Obama's reform drive. The comparison found that major difference in the "top-down" government records reforms are the difference in democratic institutions such as weak congressional politics, strong bureaucratic obstacles, and relatively weak social and professional supports for the reforms in Korea, while these reforms were similar in terms that they were driven by insightful political leaders. Independent FOI ombudsman and national records administration are necessary for such democratic reforms.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.371-389
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• 2014

This study aims to analyze the redistricting problems in non-autonomous Gu. Although non-autonomous Gu is a just local administrative district, it has been regarded as an important and basic spatial unit in electoral redistricting. By the reform of Public Official Election Act in 2012, however, non-autonomous Gu is distinguished from local governments like Si, Gun and autonomous Gu, in boundary delimitation for the 19th National Assembly election, and some are divided into a part of another constituency. About these background, this study points out the following problems. First, in national scale, the reform of Act made the malapportionment in constituencies of non-autonomous Gus, comparing with those of local governments. Second, there was the discriminative application of Act in each non-autonomous Gu and it will make the malapportionment worse in next election, considering the reorganization of local administrative system. Finally, this study propose that it is necessary to select one from a variety of redistricting principles, especially between the prevention of gerrymandering, the representativeness of local government and the apportionment, prior to another amendment of redistricting system and the debate about political reform.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.36
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• pp.309-338
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• 1998

The American military occupations of Korea(1945-1948) and Japan(1945-1952) after the second world war had great influences on the history of the two countries, the contents and results were, however, quite different. This study attempts to analyze the similarities and differences, the determinants of the social welfare policy, and their long-term effects on the later social welfare policies in the two countries. For the purpose of this study, it uses a comparative case study on the public assistant policies of the two countries during the American military occupation. The conclusions of this study are summarized as follows. Firstly, although the American military occupations of the two countries faced the similar social problems during the same period, their countermeasures were quite different from each other. In Korea, the American military occupation hardly tried to establish a substantial social welfare system by making laws, but, mainly relying on temporary emergency relief, they just aimed for social control. On the other hand, in Japan, the American military occupation tried to improve the existing social welfare system in terms of the principles of demilitarization and democratization. Secondly, the political determinants of the social welfare policy in the two countries were much more important than the socioeconomic determinants. Especially the differences in the basic military occupation principles, the administration structure, and the roles of the indigenous ruling classes acted upon the different social welfare policies of Korea and Japan. Thirdly, the long-term effects on the later social welfare policies in the two countries was different. In Korea, the American military occupation hardly contributed to modernize the social welfare policy. Therefore, the unsystematic premodern relief system continued to exist for a long time. On the other hand, in Japan, the American military occupation contributed to modernizing the social welfare policy in terms of ideology and system and formed the groundwork for developing the later social welfare policies.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2000.04a
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• pp.847-865
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• 2000

In a broad range of socio-economic and political systems, we could be able to say that the common and highest goal of all nations is the well-being of the people. From this point of view, it can be seen that two significant historic developments were achieved in the 20th century. One was the maximization of productivity through the socially efficient distribution of resources and the other was the concept of national welfare, which assumes social responsibility for the basic livelihood of human beings. In this point, it is need not only to strengthen economic wealth, but also to redistribute resources equitably. Efficiency and equity, economic and growth, and national welfare emphasize the above-mentioned principle, but they are deeply interdependent in that the well-being of the people cannot be guaranteed in the presence of only one of those. This study aims to find out the equilibrium point those problems in the productive welfare policy in Korea. Finally, it is necessary to develop productive welfare systems in order to solve the issues well.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.217-231
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• 2012

Geography is a core subject for mutual understanding a relationship between Korea, China, and Japan. But the research and report on the Chinese geography education are poor progressed in Korea. This study aims to review the Chinese geography curriculum changes and the organization of Geography Curriculum Standards(GCS). The results of study are as follows. First, from the perspective of the Chinese geography curriculum development, political ideology and changes of society could lead to serious influences on the geography education. It is change through the process stage of prosperity${\rightarrow}$withdrawal${\rightarrow}$promotion${\rightarrow}$development. Second, most recently, Chinese GCS carried out a drastic reform of their geography curriculum emphasized the importance of a student' needs and activity, the organic correlation between the geographical knowledge and skills, and synthesis, practical value of the geography. Third, the organization of GCS consist of an introduction, curriculum objective, contents standard, performance rules. Fourth, the middle school GCS emphasized the importance of a basis of the geographical knowledge and skills in the 4 subjects(the earth and the maps, world geography, Chinese geography, regional geography). Finally, The high school GCS emphasized the importance of a student' occupational course and consideration of regional circumstances.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.23-43
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• 2004

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the performance of New Deal under the New Labour government in Britain and examines the nature of New Deal with respect to workfare. The time difference of five years after the New Deal was put into effect shows that New Deal has contributed not only to include the socially excluded groups such as the young unemployed, the long-term unemployed, single parents, and the disabled into the labour market, but also to decrease the amount of income-based benefits providing for working generation. It can be said that the nature of New Deal under the New Labour is near to human capital development model rather than labour force attachment model. New Deal provides the opportunity of policy learning for the countries which pursue the reform of social security system to moving welfare beneficiaries being able to work into jobs. Policy learning can be summed up as follows. First, imposing mutual responsibility and obligations on unemployed person should be accompanied by implementing active labour market programmes of education and job training. Second, the delivery system which administrates workfare programmes should be decentralized in a local society. The cooperation between local government and enterprisers will be critical in implementing various employment programmes and moving unemployed person into jobs. Third, the case management for individual participating in workfare programme is necessary. The personal adviser should continue to provide employment services for the unemployed until he or she get a job and enter the state of self-reliance. Finally, the workfare programme should be firmly backed by the political leadership in order to overcome the oppositions of beneficiary groups under the existing social security system.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.57-81
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to summarise the educational meanings of Official Foreign Language Schools(hereafter, OFLS) in Korea, 1895-1906. Especially, I try to find out the foreign language policy of the Joseon Dynasty and the comparative superiority between six foreign language schools - Japanese School, English School, French School, Russian School, Chinese School, and German School - through the traits of teachers and the change of students numbers at the Regulation Period. As a part of Kabo Reforms, the government had abolished the of Civil Service Examination System and status system, and foreign languages worked as a cultural capital to acquire modern civilization and to escalate one's social status. The results were as follows: Firstly, the OFLS have to be regarded as one of the highest educational institute during the Regulation Period. The eligibility of the OFLS was over 15 years old, but most of the incoming students were over 20 years old. Secondly, many of the OFLS's teachers were specialists of military, diplomat and mechanics. Especially, Martel, the teacher of French school played an important role for the neutral diplomacy policy of the Great Korean(Dae-Han) Empire during the Regulation Period. Thirdly, the recruit of new members of the OFLS was affected by the political and social circumstances at that time. Fourthly, the statistics of incoming students during the Regulation Period was concentrated on Chinese school, French school, and English school in due order. Thus, it differed from the commonly accepted ideas of students' statistics which was concentrated on English School and Japanese School. Fifthly, the OFLS were not only for the training of official interpreters(譯官通事), but also the cultivation of civil servants who could become statesman.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.9-38
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• 2014

Hanhweon-dang Kim Goeng-pil(1454~1504) sublimated ethics whose lead was opened up by Jeong Mong-ju in late Goryeo as one scholarly tendency. Kim Goeng-pil was called 'the father of ethics in Joseon' and has been respected as a model of ethicist for 400 years since then. Following Kim Goeng-pil, Confucian scholars of Joseon cultivated perseverance through Xiaoxue and the perseverance was sublimated to Confucian scholars' energy and then that of state, which served as driving force to keep the national legacy. Kim Goeng-pil suggested how to study with Xiaoxue and sought moral human beings and ethically ideal societies based on strong practicability which is required in Xiaoxue. Individuals' cultivation and social reform are not at a different dimension. Spirit of 'self-cultivation' that Kim Goeng-pil himself demonstrated advanced to pursuit of ethical, ideal state when reaching a level of Jo Kwang-jo. Kim Goeng-pil thought that teaching in Xiaoxue could be achieved through 'Gyeong (敬, respect).' It is the key of Neo-Confucianism in Joseon to control one's mind through the cultivating method of 'Gyeong.' Kim Goeng-pil settled Joseon's Confucianism as 'practical ethics(心學).' Before Kim Goeng-pil, no scholars had well presented the aspects of practical ethics. After King Myeongjong and Seonjo, Confucianism in Joseon worked as the cornerstone of practical ethics. Since mid-17th century, the system of practical ethics had been firmly established with focus on 'Gyeong. Literary men of Kim Goeng-pil and scholars they fostered led the academic and political world of Joseon after mid-16th century. They played the lead in Sarim faction's(士林派) ruling after King Seonjo came to throne. The very foundation which sublimated Joseon to the ethically ideal state and made the Dynasty a 'state of Sarim' was actually laid by Kim Goeng-pil.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.65
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• pp.81-102
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• 2021

In church tradition, cultural misappropriation has often legitimized unjust hierarchy rather than to challenge it. Under the rubric of culturalism, Christian Education has served to justify the oppressive system and maintain status quo as well. A feminist theologian, Rebecca Chopp argues that the contemporary Western culture has intensified narcissistic individualism and self-referentiality and has supported the powerful, while forced the marginalized to be silent. Chopp insists that the role, nature, and mission of Christianity is to provide Word and words of emancipatory transformation. She advocates poststructural feminist theology and aims at renewal of the socio-symbolic order in society by criticizing assumptions underneath language, culture and politics. In this study, we will review the interview with an Asian-American couple and disclose the underlying assumptions and hegemony which have contributed to maintain the male domineering system. I suggest that Christian education for emancipatory transformation should encourage the oppressed women to reflect critically the existing order and to restore their own voice through constructive intervention facilitating "plurivociy" and "problem-posing" dialogue. Proclaimation of transformative Word can empower the marginalized people to revision the world alternatives to monotheistic patriarchal modernism.