• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.145-151
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• 2010

• Journal of the Speleological Society of Korea
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• v.30 no.31
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• pp.78-81
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• 1992

한ㆍ중수교는 두나라 국민의 염원에 따라 실현되었다. 한·중수교는 양국의 정치, 경제, 외고, 군사, 과학기술 및 사회의 모든 영역에 획기적 변화를 가져올 것이다. 중국은 정치국면이 안정돼 개혁개방을 기본 국책으로 장기간 정책을 집행해 나갈 것이다. 생산활동이 사회화, 국제화 시대에 접어든 새로운 시대에 그 어느 나라도 개혁, 개방하지 않으면 그 나라는 가난에 빠지고 결국은 남에게 억눌리게 된다.(중략)

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.209-235
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• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.59-66
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• 2020

This paper considered the measures of securing political neutrality of the prosecutor on the reform of the prosecution. The nation's prosecution has enormous authority. In the meantime, the prosecution enjoyed unlimited power uncontrolled with investigative rights, prosecution monopoly, and police investigation command. No other country has as much power as the Korean prosecution. However, the prosecution, which enjoys such power, is placed on the task of reforming the prosecution due to poor democratic control. Has there been such a prosecutor in Korean history who only looks forward and wields long sword ehrflqtjdrhk against corruption in power? So far, the prosecution has conducted investigations that suit the administration's taste, and the prosecutors have been on the rise in return. That is why the previous administrations tried to ensure the political neutrality of the prosecution. As such, We would like to consider legal logic to analyze the sincerity of the prosecution reform. To this end, the first is to consider the authority of prosecutors and prosecutors. Second, consider the internal requirements of the government's reform of the prosecution. Third, establish the direction of prosecution reform.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.41-77
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• 2021

It has been 20 years since the gender quota system for expanding women's political representation was enacted. However, the proportion of Korean women's representatives has not exceeded 20 percent. This study examines how the gender quota system, public funding for women candidates, and public funding for women's development, which are the three pillars of the legal system to expand women's representation, have changed systematically over the past 20 years, how they affected women's representation, and what institutional limitations they have. In addition, it explores the im/possible conditions of reforms for expanding women's representation. To reform the legal system for women's representation, it is necessary to understand that Korea's political system is arranged in a gender-based way in a male-dominated structure, while also understanding that the existence of critical actors and mass driving reforms for gender equality in politics is essential.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.319-344
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• 2017

Saam Park Sun(1523-1589) holds a very important position in history of 16th century $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics. Starting from King Seonjo's accession in 1567, he took a lead in changing the former Politics by Hoonchuck(勳戚政治) to $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics. He served a prime minister alone for 14 years. Following philosophy of $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics that Jo Gwang-jo(趙光祖, 1482-1519) had advocated a generation earlier, he sought reformative politics by rising elites. He pursued ideal politics of $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ in which principles and public opinion agreed with each other and to realize it, he was in the forefront of correcting 'shìdào(世道)' and improving 'qīngyì(淸議).' It is why $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics is called shìdào politics(世道政治). He emphasized 'old manners(古禮)' as standard to criticize wrong reality and to realize ideals. The 'old' in his mind was ideals, principles and traditions. The most meaningful reform was to go back to spirit of 'old.' It is why he put stress on and stuck to practice of 'old manners' in national liturgy.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.215-234
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.365-393
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• 2008

This research examnied the roles, the strategies and the influence of labor unions on the pension reform. In Italia labor unions were important actors in pension reform politics during 1990s, but in 2004 labor union was excluded from the pension reform. This difference is not only related with diffusion of the leftist party but also the experience of pension benefit retrenchment of the pension reform in 1995 in which labor unions had initiatives. Labor unions choose their strategies, social dialogue or mass struggle, depending on the attitudes of government. After change of government following the failure of the pension reform in 1994 Italian government tried social dialogue. In Dini reform in 1995, laborunions had initiative in making pension reform plan. Labor unions obtained member's approval using membership vote. It had repressed opposition from militant sectors effectively. However Labor unions concentrated on the issues of transition measures and protecting vested rights in seniority pension ignoring problems of contribution evasion of small-firm workers and benefit adequacy of young workers. Even when labor unions leaded social concertation processes and pursued union democracy, labor unions' influences on the pension reform had fundamental limitations.