• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.72
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• pp.341-366
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• 2022

In Korean society, church once witnessed the period of its being considered light and salt. After the liberation, Korean church bestowed Jesus Christ's love to underprivileged neighbors in the industrialization process and organized practical participation activities for human rights and democratization. Nonetheless, church was sunken into quantitative growth without having qualitative growth. As church was cited as the epicenter of the spreading COVID-19, the image of selfish church has started receiving attention and there has appeared a criticism for immoral church tendency, which brought low trust about church. These things are resulted from church's failure to undertake its role with responsibility, in society. Such as this, church has lost its identity as the model of the Kingdom of God. In such a situation, church needs to remind itself of the enlightenment of the Ecumenical Movement, in order to recover trust and perform its mission. The Ecumenical Movement means accomplishing unification of the universe through a renewed church. This movement is aimed to create the earth as 'where humans can stay' and to consider the sustainability of mankinds. This purpose of this study is to examine political activities conducted for responsible participation in the church world and to find the way for church roles in this world. This researcher will attempt to investigate educational methods to help Christians in this world take full responsibility given to them, through an educational discussion about Christianity made in this context. This educational attempt means, in other words, political affairs also.

• Journal of Korean Women's Studies
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.203-231
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• 2014

Political space, the area where politics takes place, is generally treated as a male-centric space. The number of female politicians is increasing, but the core of political space is still dominated by male politicians. Therefore, on the one side, female politicians use masculine rhetoric in order to show that they are equal to male politicians, and on the other side, they use feminine rhetoric like the rhetoric of the First Lady or the rhetoric of motherhood in order to emphasize the differences with male politicians and stress their novelty as female politicians. In this situation, female politicians are confronted with the difficulty that they have to keep a balance between masculine and feminine rhetoric. In this context, this study, in chapter II, analyzes the monopoly of male politicians on political space and the dominance of masculine rhetoric and emphasizes that the political space is strongly gendered. Chapter III examines the possibilities and limits of the rhetoric of the First Lady and of the rhetoric of motherhood which female politicians use in the political space to draw attention to their messages. Chapter IV suggests two strategies to change the situation of the dominance of masculine rhetoric in the political space: the strategy of mainstreaming of women and the strategy of mainstreaming of gender agendas. Lastly, this study emphasizes that we need to develop an alternative feminine rhetoric by paying attention to the diversity of women.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Fisheries Technology Conference
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.23-26
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• 2003

정치망은 어군의 자연적인 이동 경로를 길그물로써 차단하여 어군을 운동장으로 유도한 후, 비탈그물을 통해 원통으로 들어가게 하여 어획하는 소극적 어구이다. 정치망이 수중에 형성하고 있는 공간의 규모와 형태는 해면에 떠있는 뜸의 형상 및 각 부분의 부설 깊이와 침강 수심을 조사하여 추정하고 있으나, 정치망이 설치된 해역의 조류 방향과 유속에 따라 수중 형상의 크기나 형태가 변형되어 어획량에 영향을 주는 요인이 될 뿐만 아니라 강한조류나 악천후에 의한 파손 등으로 조업 손실을 초래하기도 한다. (중략)

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2015.01a
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• pp.319-320
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• 2015

본 연구는 빅데이터를 활용해서 유권자의 정치성향을 파악할 수 있는 방안을 세 가지 관점에서 제시하였다. 첫째, 군집분석은 유권자의 기본성향을 파악할 수 있는 방법으로 각 정당은 유권자의 데이터베이스를 확보해야 한다. 둘째, 회귀분석은 독립변수가 종속변수에 어떤 영향을 끼치는가를 분석한 것으로 유권자들의 필요에 따른 정책을 세우는데 필요하다. 셋째, 연관성 분석은 특정 사물에 대한 선호도를 파악하여 유권자의 정치성향을 유추할 수 있는 방안을 말한다.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Fisheries Technology Conference
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• 2000.10a
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• pp.46-47
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• 2000

근래의 정치망어업은 전반적으로 많은 인력에 의존하는 기존의 조업방식을 개선하지 못한 상태이다. 이러한 원인에 의해서 어획량이 현저하게 감소하여 어업경영에 많은 어려움이 따르고 있다. 제주도 연안은 대모망, 소대망 및 각망어구를 이용한 정치망 어업이 이루어지고 있는데 이중에서 대부분이 각망어구를 부설하여 조업을 하고 있다.(중략)

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Fisheries Technology Conference
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• 2001.05a
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• pp.41-42
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• 2001

본 연구에서는 규사채취작업으로 인하여 발생하는 수중소음과 모래 등의 유실이 작업현장 부근에 있는 정치망어장에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구 조사한 결과를 보고하고자 한다. 1. 조사대상 어장의 환경 - 조사대상 정치망어망은 양낙망 형태인 대형 정치망이었고, 경북 울지군 북면 나고리지선(37$^{\circ}$, 08.320' N, 129$^{\circ}$ 22.902' E)에 위치하고 있었으며, 어장면적은 500,000$m^2$, 어획대상어종으로는 대형 회유성 어종인 방어, 고등어, 오징어 외에도 주변해역에서 서식하는 돔, 넙치, 쥐치 및 기타잡어로 하고 있었다. (중략)

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Disaster Information Conference
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• 2022.10a
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• pp.321-322
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• 2022

남북은 분단 이후 70년을 각자의 정치체제를 구축하며 공존을 하고 있다. 그 과정에서 7.4 남북공동성명에서 남북은 처음으로 마주 앉았고 2000년 6.15 남북공동선언에서 남북연합이라는 통일의 방식이 나오기도 했다. 하지만 북한의 핵개발과 무력행동으로 여전히 남북은 정치적 협력은 불가능할 수준이지만 비정치적 분야에서는 알게 모르게 협력을 하고 있다. 그 협력 가운데 비정치면서 서로 관심을 가질 수 있는 부분은 환경범죄, 마약범죄와 같은 형사사법 분야다. 남북은 서로를 국가로 인정하지 않고 있기에 형사사법공조조약과 같은 형태로는 형사사법공조가 불가하기에 남북이 형사사법 분야에서 공조할 수 있는 부분을 찾아 보고자 한다.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-30
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• 2017

The conspiracy theories of political events are occurring in every country and society. In Korean society, conspiracy theories about political events are constantly happening. Conspiracy refers to the phenomenon of a particular individual or group who oppose the official causes of social phenomena. Conspiracy is a resistance to the credibility of the state and the government. In Korean society, conspiracy occurs mainly in political events. The conspiracy theories of political events appear in the form of conservatism and progressivism, which seeks to replace political power and political power to stabilize political power. The conspiracy theory about Jang Jun-Ha's death occurred in the process of seeking justification for a person who is resisting the ruling forces. Also, the conspiracy theory of the Gwangju Democratization Movement and the Cheonan Warship Sinking may be a drag on the justification for the justification for the takeover of the new military government and the justification for the Disconnection of inter-Korean relations. In Korean politics, Conspiracy theory is a factor that confuses Korean society regardless of whether it is true or not.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.7-48
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• 2009

The recent crises of Marxism do not mean Marx’s crisis. Marx said that he was not a Marxist. The purposes of this essay explore (1) the modern identity of the political economy; (2) the possibilities of mutual understanding between neoclassical economics and Marxist economics; (3) problems of the political economy in media and communication industry. I have begged for analytical Marxists, because of their good fruits. They accepted the methods of modern social science and they constituted a tremendous advance in the application of the scientific methods to the study of society. In insisting on micro-foundations(methodological individualism), analytical Marxism distinguished itself from structuralism and functionalism. I appreciate that analytical Marxism has reduced a theory to practice. But the works didn’t listen to everyone(from Marxists to un-Marxists), and explain everything. Making theory with production/consumption, macro/micro, and structure/behavior is a road to the political economy in the long run. It also applies to media and communication industry. The realm of media/communication is broad, which in philosophy, humanities, politics, economics, sociology, and engineering. And media policy is more complicated by politicians who look at the same situation from different angles. By the aid of interdisciplinary research, the political economy of media/communication shall explain at full length.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.