• Title/Summary/Keyword: 정비문서

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Dazaihu Diplomacy Between United Silla and Japan (통일기 신라와 일본의 대재부외교(大宰府外交)와 그 의미)

  • Cho, lee ok
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.73
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    • pp.91-117
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    • 2018
  • In the tribute system controlling international relations of pre-modern East Asia, conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities was a principle of diplomatic relations among each nation. Therefore, capitals where royal authorities really existed were political centers and diplomatic stages at the same time. Notably, diplomatic relations between United Silla and Japan were maintained dually by conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities and practical diplomacy through Dazaihu located in Tsukushi. Tsukushi located at the northwestern tip of Kyushu was a gateway to foreign nations and stronghold in terms of national defense. Amidst an East Asian war named Baek River Battle in 663, the royal court of Daehwa established Dazaihu here because it was necessary for diplomatic and military responses. Dazaihu established as part of diplomatic negotiation not only took diplomatic functions as an official residence since the latter half of the 7thcentury. and but also was used as a stage of official diplomacy between Silla and Japan. Diplomatic negotiation between Silla and Japan through Dazaihu was made in practical methods and such a situation could be confirmed through diplomatic documents exchanged between Silla and Dazaihu in the middle of the 8thcentury. At that time, protocols became an importan tissue.

Entrepreneurship Policy Changes from the Perspective of Policy Paradigm (정책 패러다임 관점에서 살펴본 창업정책 변화)

  • KIM, Mansu;KANG, Jae Won
    • Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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    • v.16 no.3
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    • pp.43-58
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    • 2021
  • This study analyzes the entrepreneurship policies of the previous Korean administrations from the perspective of the Policy Paradigm by Hall(1993). A total of 195 newspaper articles and 202 government documents were examined to identify policy paradigm shifts through an analysis of policy objectives, policy instruments, and changing quality of policy instruments by each administration. The first paradigm was built during the 5th and 6th Republic, where 'Support for Small and Medium Enterprise Establishment Act' was enacted in 1986 to promote and support start-ups in the manufacturing sector. Next is the so-called 'people's government' period where 'Act on Special Measures for the Promotion of Venture Businesses' was enacted to tackle the challenges posed during the 1997 Asian financial crisis. A new policy goal was set to promote and nurture venture companies seeking subsequent means to achieve it. The third paradigm shift took place during President Moon's administration in order to effectively respond to the issues stemming from the fourth industrial revolution and the COVID-19 pandemic. Through the overall revision of the 'Support for Small and Medium Enterprise Establishment Act', the scope of startups were expanded, new industries and technology startups were supported and promoted, and venture investment-related laws were streamlined. In addition, the Small and Medium Business Administration was promoted as the Ministry of SMEs and Startups, enabling them to take initiative in implementing startup policies. Particularly, this study focuses on examining the low survival rate of startup companies and the revitalization of private investment as rising policy issues for recent startups, and suggests the improvement direction due to startup policy paradigm shift.

A Study on the case of Application of Women's Personnel in the Australian Defence Force (호주군 여성인력의 활용과 우리군에 주는 시사점)

  • In-Chan Kim;Jong-Hoon Kim;Jun-Hak Sim;Kang-Hee Lee;Sang-Keun Cho;Sang-Hyuk Park;Myung-Sook Hong
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.9 no.5
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    • pp.269-273
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    • 2023
  • After participating in the Second Boer War in 1899, the Australian Army participated in world wars such as World War I, World War II, the Korean War, and the Vietnam War. To overcome the decline in the social recognition of soldiers and the continuous shortage of troops caused by the protracted war, the status and role of female personnel were expanded. The use of female manpower, which started as medical support during the Second Boer War, expanded to combat support missions such as communications, maintenance, driving, secret document management, and radar surveillance during World War II. After the Vietnam War, the Chiefs of Staff of the Australian Army, Navy and Air Force established a committee to expand women's participation in the military, improved service conditions for female personnel and supplemented regulations so that they were treated as soldiers, not women, and reached a turning point in expanding the role of female personnel in the Australian military. As a result, all combat positions, including special forces, were opened to women in 2014, and a plan was established to increase the proportion of women in each service by 2030. As a result, all combat positions, including special forces, were opened to women in 2014, and the Australian Armed Forces set a plan to increase the proportion of women by 2030. Like the Australian military, South Korea is also experiencing a demographic cliff and shortage of troops due to the continuing low birthrate problem. Through the history and current state of the use of female personnel in the Australian military, we would like to draw implications for the direction our military should go.

Historical Observation and the Characteristics of the Records and Archives Management in Korea (한국 기록관리의 사적 고찰과 그 특징)

  • Lee, Young-Hak
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.34
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    • pp.221-250
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    • 2012
  • This paper introduces the characteristics of the records and archives management of Korea from Joseon dynasty to now. This paper also explains historical background of making the records and archives management in Joseon dynasty. This paper introduces the process of establishment of modern records management system by adopting records management system and public administration of USA after liberation in 1945. The Joseon bureaucrats established systematic methodologies for managing and arranging the records. Jeseon dynasty managed its records systematically since it was a bureaucratic regime. It is also noticeable that the famous Joseonwangjosilrok(Annals of Joseon dynasty) came out of the power struggles for the control of the national affairs between the king and the nobility during the time of establishment of the dynasty. Another noticeable feature of the records tradition in Joseon dynasty was that the nobility recorded their experience and allowed future generations use and refer their experiences and examples when they performed similar business. The records of Joseon period are the historical records which recorded contemporary incidents and the compilers expected the future historians evaluate the incidents they recorded. In 1894, the reformation policy of Gaboh governments changed society into modernity. The policy of Gaboh governments prescribed archive management process through 'Regulation(命令頒布式)'. They revised the form of official documents entirely. They changed a name of an era from Chinese to unique style of Korean, and changed original Chinese into Korean or Korean-Chinese together. Also, instead of a blank sheet of paper they used printed paper to print the name of each office. Korea was liberated from Japanese Imperialism in 1945 and the government of Republic of Korea was established in 1948. In 1950s Republic of Korea used the records management system of the Government-General of Joseon without any alteration. In the late of 1950's Republic of Korea constructed the new records management system by adopting records management system and public administration of USA. However, understanding of records management was scarce, so records and archives management was not accomplished. Consequently, many important records like presidential archives were deserted or destroyed. A period that made the biggest difference on National Records Management System was from 1999 when was enacted. Especially, it was the period of President Roh's five-year tenure called Participation Government (2003-2008). The first distinctive characteristic of Participation Government's records management is that it implemented governance actively. Another remarkable feature is a nomination of records management specialists at public institutions. The Participation Government also legislated (completely revised) . It led to a beginning of developing records management in Republic of Korea.

A Study on the Records Management for the National Assembly Members (국회의원 기록관리 방안 연구)

  • Kim, Jang-hwan
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.55
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    • pp.39-71
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this study is to examine the reality of the records management of the National Assembly members and suggest a desirable alternative. Until the Public Records Management Act was enacted in 1999, the level of the records management in the National Assembly was not beyond that of the document management in both the administration and the legislature. Rather, the National Assembly has maintained a records management tradition that systematically manages the minutes and bills since the Constitutional Assembly. After the Act was legislated in 2000, the National Assembly Records Management Regulation was enacted and enforced, and the Archives was established in the form of a subsidiary organ of the Secretariat of the National Assembly, even though its establishment is not obligatory. In addition, for the first time, an archivist was assigned as a records and archives researcher in Korea, whose role is to respond quickly in accordance with the records schedule of the National Assembly, making its service faster than that of the administration. However, the power of the records management of the National Assembly Archives at the time of the Secretariat of the National Assembly was greatly reduced, so the revision of the regulations in accordance with the revised Act in 2007 was not completed until 2011. In the case of the National Assembly, the direct influence of the executive branch was insignificant. As the National Assembly had little direct influence on the administration, it had little positive influence on records management innovation under Roh Moo-Hyun Administration. Even within the National Assembly, the records management observed by its members is insignificant both in practice and in theory. As the National Assembly members are excluded from the Act, there is no legal basis to enforce a records management method upon them. In this study, we analyze the records management problem of the National Assembly members, which mainly concerns the National Assembly records management plan established in the National Archives. Moreover, this study proposes three kinds of records management methods for the National Assembly members, namely, the legislation and revision of regulations, the records management consulting of the National Assembly members, and the transfer of the dataset of administrative information systems and websites.

Evaluation of Preference by Bukhansan Dulegil Course Using Sentiment Analysis of Blog Data (블로그 데이터 감성분석을 통한 북한산둘레길 구간별 선호도 평가)

  • Lee, Sung-Hee;Son, Yong-Hoon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.49 no.3
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    • pp.1-10
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    • 2021
  • This study aimed to evaluate preferences of Bukhansan dulegil using sentiment analysis, a natural language processing technique, to derive preferred and non-preferred factors. Therefore, we collected blog articles written in 2019 and produced sentimental scores by the derivation of positive and negative words in the texts for 21 dulegil courses. Then, content analysis was conducted to determine which factors led visitors to prefer or dislike each course. In blogs written about Bukhansan dulegil, positive words appeared in approximately 73% of the content, and the percentage of positive documents was significantly higher than that of negative documents for each course. Through this, it can be seen that visitors generally had positive sentiments toward Bukhansan dulegil. Nevertheless, according to the sentiment score analysis, all 21 dulegil courses belonged to both the preferred and non-preferred courses. Among courses, visitors preferred less difficult courses, in which they could walk without a burden, and in which various landscape elements (visual, auditory, olfactory, etc.) were harmonious yet distinct. Furthermore, they preferred courses with various landscapes and landscape sequences. Additionally, visitors appreciated the presence of viewpoints, such as observation decks, as a significant factor and preferred courses with excellent accessibility and information provisions, such as information boards. Conversely, the dissatisfaction with the dulegil courses was due to noise caused by adjacent roads, excessive urban areas, and the inequality or difficulty of the course which was primarily attributed to insufficient information on the landscape or section of the course. The results of this study can serve not only serve as a guide in national parks but also in the management of nearby forest green areas to formulate a plan to repair and improve dulegil. Further, the sentiment analysis used in this study is meaningful in that it can continuously monitor actual users' responses towards natural areas. However, since it was evaluated based on a predefined sentiment dictionary, continuous updates are needed. Additionally, since there is a tendency to share positive content rather than negative views due to the nature of social media, it is necessary to compare and review the results of analysis, such as with on-site surveys.

A Study on the Bapyo Ritual Procedures and Costumes Recorded in the Five rituals of Sejong-Silok (『세종실록(世宗實錄)』, 「오례(五禮)」에 기록된 배표의 절차와 복식 연구)

  • KIM Jinhong;CHO Woohyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.142-160
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    • 2023
  • The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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