• Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.77-90
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• 2015

BACKGROUND: The field margins, which are uncultivated area of permanent vegetation located adjacent to field, play an important role in enhancing biodiversity in the agricultural ecosystem. This study focused on floristic characteristics on dry field margins in Korea Peninsula. METHODS AND RESULTS: This study was conducted at margins of 196 dry fields in 32 areas in 8 provinces in May and September 2013. The vascular plants of the dry field margins were listed 347 taxa which contain 73 families, 219 genera, 311 species, 1 subspecies, 30 varieties and 5 forms. Of these 347 taxa, 48 taxa were woody plants and 299 taxa were herbaceous plants. Among total 73 families, Compositae (17.6%) was the most dominant family, and followed Gramineae (15.9%), Polygonaceae (5.8%), Leguminosae (4.9%) and Cyperaceae (3.8%). Based on relative frequency values of survey fields, the appearance frequency of Digitaria ciliaris (89.8%) was the highest, and followed Acalypha australis (86.2%), Artemisia princeps (82.1%), Commelina communis (80.6%) and Portulaca oleracea (80.6%). Disturbance index of dry field margins was 55.0% at national level, and Gangwon region was the highest among the 8 regions at regional level. Life form spectrum was determined to be $Th-R_5-D_4-etype$. CONCLUSION: These results will be used fundamental data for studies to improve or even stabilize the current state of plant biodiversity in agricultural environments.

• Journal of the Korea Organic Resources Recycling Association
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.21-27
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• 2014

Pig slurry has been considered as environmental waste to be treated in an appropriate manner. Moreover, water-born pollution loads by agricultural non-point source(NPS) pollution are expected to become intensified due to ongoing precipitation change. This study was conducted to develop a best management practice to reduce NPS pollution load by agricultural activity with pig manure compost. An eco-friendly way, small drainage pond, was suggested in this study to avoid direct drainage of agricultural runoffs and eventually reduce the amount of pollutants discharged into the surrounding aqua-environment. A small pond($12m^2$) was constructed at the corner of a rice paddy field($17,15m^2$) located in Suwon, Korea. Water was allowed to drain only via a small drainage pond. Sampling was repeatedly made at two locations, one from an entrance and the other from an exit of a pond, during the rice cultivation period(May to October, 2013). Generally, sampling was made only when runoff water drained through a pond, such as during and/or after rain(irrigation). The water quality analysis showed that all quality parameters(SS, $COD_{Mn}$, T-N, and T-P) were improved as water passed through the pond. The amount of runoff water was reduced by 67.8%. Suspended solids and $COD_{Mn}$ concentrations were reduced by 79.8% and 71.9%, respectively. In case of T-N and T-P amounts, the reduction rates were 73.6% and 74.9%, respectively. Our data implies that agricultural NPS pollution from rice paddy fields with pig manure-based fertilizer can be effectively managed when an appropriate drainage water management practice is imposed.

• Food Science of Animal Resources
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.391-396
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• 2005

The objective of this study was carried out investigate the changes of carcass characteristics, physico-chemical characteristics and fatty acid composition in crossbred pigs (Korean native breed ${\times}$ Landrace breed) by backfat thickness. A total 182 Pigs were divided into 3 groups by there backfat thickness, i.e., <11.80mm, $11.80\~25.01mm\;and\;25.01mm<.$ The live weight carcass weight and dressing percent of backfat thickness 25.01mm< group were higher compared to those for backfat thickness <11,80mm and $11.80\~25.01mm group, but the final grade were lower. The pH of backfat thickness 25.01mm< group were higher compared to those for backfat thickness <11.80mm and $11.80\~25.01mm$ group. Shear lone of 25.01 mm< group were lower than that of other groups. Water, crude fat content and cooking loss have no difference between the 3 groups. The hardness of backfat thickness 25.01mm< group were higher compared to those for backfat thickness <11.80mm and $11.80\~25.01mm$ group. The yellowness $(b^*)$ of meat and fat color in backfat thickness 25.01mm< group were lower compared to those for backfat thickness <11.80mm and $11.80\~25.01mm$ group. The stearic acid and saturated fatty acid content were higher compared to those for backfat thickness <11.80mm and $11.80\~25.01mm$ group but the linoleic acid and unsaturated fatty acid content were lower.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.13-21
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• 2017

The Cho-yeon Pavilion located in the Wangdae village in Samcheong-ri, Songgwang-myeon, Suncheon-si, was transformed into a place of refuge, a shrine, a vacation home, a lecture hall for kings. Based on the change, the current study has explored the periodic changing placeness and the transformation of cultural landscape and has figured out the meaning. The result of this study is as follows. First, "Cho-yeon", named by Yeonjae Song, Byeong-Seon, originated from Tao Te Ching of Lao Tzu. The concept is found not only in the Cho-yeon Pavilion in Suncheon but also in various places, such as, the Cho-yeon-dae in Pocheon, of the Cho-yeon-dae in Gapyeong, of the Cho-yeon-dae of the embankment behind the Gioheon of Changdeok-gung Garden, Cho-Yeon-Mul-Oe old buildings, including Jung(亭), Dae(臺), Gak(閣), of Ockriukag in Yuseong, etc. This shows that taoistic Poongrhu was naturally grafted onto confucian places, which is one of the examples of the fusion of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. Second, the placeness of the Cho-yeon Pavilion area is related to a legend that King Gong-min sought refuge here at the end of the Koryo Dynasty. The legend is based on the Wangdae village(king's region), Yu-Gyeong(留京)(the place where kings stayed), rock inscription of Wang-Dae-Sa-Jeok, Oh-Jang-Dae (the place where admiral flags were planted), and the Mohusan Mountain. Third, the Cho-yeon Pavilion not only has a base(the vacation home) that reflects confucian values from the rock inscription(趙鎭忠別業, 趙秉翼, 宋秉璿) of the beautiful rock walls and torrents but also has territoriality as taoistic Abode of the Immortals (there are places where people believe taoist hermits with miraculous powers live within 1km of the pavillion: Wol-Cheong(月靑), Pung-Cheong(風靑), Su-Cheong(水靑), Dong-Cheon(洞天). The Cho-yeon Pavilion also reflects the heaven of Neo-Confucianism for, pursuing study, and improving aesthetic sense by expanding its outer area and establishing the nine Gok: Se-Rok-Gyo(洗鹿橋)., Bong-Il-Dae(捧日臺), Ja-Mi-Gu(紫薇鳩), Un-Mae-Dae(雲梅臺), Wa-Ryong-Chong(臥龍叢), Gwang-Seok-Dae(廣石臺), Eun-Seon-Gul(隱仙窟), Byeok-Ok-Dam(碧玉潭), and Wa-Seok-Po(臥石布). In sum, the Cho-yeon Pavilion is a complex cultural landscape. Fourth, the usage of the Cho-yeon Pavilion was expanded and transformed: (1)Buddhist monastery${\rightarrow}$(2)Confucian vacation home${\rightarrow}$(3)Vacation home+Taoistic Poongrhu Place${\rightarrow}$(4)Vacation Home+Taoistic Poongrhu Place+Lecture Hall(the heaven of Neo-Confucianism). To illustrate, in 7978, the place served as Buddist Monk Kwang-Sa's monastery; in 1863, Cho, Jin-Choong established a vacation home by building a shrine in front of the tomb of his ancestor; in 1864, Cho, Jae-Ho expanded its usage to a vacation home to serve ancestors as a taoistic place by repairing the pavilion with roof tiles; and after 1890, Cho, Jun-Sup received the name of the pavilion, Cho-yeon, from his teacher Song, Byeong-Seon, and used the Pavilion for a lecture hall.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.