• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.257-292
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to grope for some developmental strategies for traditional handicraft industry in Korean through focusing on its woodenware handicraft. Human beings built up the stone Age and also used the woodenware culture together with the stone culture. From the fact that there was a serious limit in preserving for the woodenware, the lacquered ware appeared. By dint of lacquering for a long time. The woodenware was used widely for an eating table during the Three Kingdom Period, the Koryo Period, and the Yi Dynasty. Since the 1960s it was declined as the cheaper stainless and plastics came in the market. But, for the woodenware handicraft as the traditional handicraft industry some developmental strategies in terms of governmental policies are needed.

• Food Industry And Nutrition
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.13-17
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• 2015

국내 상위 10개 업체가 국내 장류시장의 70% 이상을 차지하고 있으나 최근 들어 귀농인구의 증가로 소규모 농가형 장류 생산업체가 급격히 증가하고 있고, 전통식품인증마크 획득 등으로 전통장류 생산업체들은 지역 특산품으로 생산하여 공장형 장류와 차별화를 하고 있다. 이러한 취지에서 경북발효식품산학연협력사업단은 가내 수공업 형태로 군 단위의 지역에 산재해 있는 발효식품 업체를 클러스터 형태로 집적화하고 지역 원료의 활용을 극대화 방향으로 추진하여 전략적 발효산업으로 육성 발전시키며, 발효식품 전문제조업체를 발굴 육성하여 지역 업체의 매출 증대 및 수출 증대에 기여하고자 염미강화 및 보완소재 개발로 고부가가치 저염제품으로 발효식품에의 상용화 기반을 구축하고 있다. 경북지역 재래된장 및 개량된장 업체의 지원을 통해 저염된장을 출시함으로써 연구에 취약한 소규모 전통장류 업체의 매출 증대에 기여하고 정부시책에 발맞추어 국민의 나트륨 섭취를 줄이는데 도움이 되는 고부가가치 저염 발효가공품으로 경쟁력을 강화하고자 노력하고 있다. 앞으로 장류시장의 세계화를 이루기 위해서는 저염 상태에서 발현될 수 있는 이종 미생물 독소, 식중독균 등 오염원균으로부터의 안전성 확보 기술을 가져야 할 것이다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.8
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• pp.332-344
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• 2019

Based on the life of the furniture is to reflect a region and the important basis of ideological and cultural characteristics of The Times culture form the traditional concept of directly determine the style and features of furniture. Due to the geographical location, China and the Korean peninsula have a long history of cultural exchanges. Through long-term exchanges, Chinese traditional culture has penetrated into the daily life of the ancestors of the Korean peninsula in various ways. As one of the traditional Chinese cultures, Taoism began to spread in The Three Kingdoms period on the Korean peninsula. With the integration and development of Taoism on the Korean peninsula, Taoism culture with unique characteristics of the peninsula was formed and became part of the traditional ideological and cultural life of the ancestors on the peninsula. In the historical development of furniture on the Korean peninsula, Taoist theories such as yin-yang theory and five-element theory and geomantic geography theory have exerted an important influence on the use, shape, material and pattern of traditional furniture on the Korean peninsula. The late period of the joseon dynasty was the heyday of the handicraft industry on the Korean peninsula. During this period, the categories of furniture increased, and a large number of furniture with distinctive Taoist characteristics, beautiful shape, excellent design and different uses appeared. Through the study on the modeling, materials, patterns, seals and designs of furniture in the late period of joseon dynasty, this study confirms that Taoist thoughts are one of the main factors affecting the development of Korean traditional furniture forms and patterns. Using patterns of various natural objects or plants and animals for furniture design, it is to pray for family members to avoid disasters and disasters. Thus it can be seen that praying for blessings from heaven is the main Taoist thought.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.16-27
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• 2014

This study investigated the characteristics of and changes in hemp textile production practices at Gurye in Jeollanam-do in modern times. To do this, in this study, both a literature review and fieldwork research were utilized as research methods. The literature review focused on Gurye's hemp data, and the fieldwork research involved two separate trials. Male and Female residents of Gurye who had experience in the area of hemp production from the 1920s to the 1980s participated in this study. The results were as follows. First, regarding hemp fiber cultivation in Gurye, hemp cultivation continued to the 1970s and there were no changes in hemp cultivation practices during the Japanese colonial-era. Second, there have been very important changes in hemp kilns over time. In the 1950s, there were both single-body kilns and separate-body kilns in Gurye. Later, specifically in the 1950s, a new type of kiln using an iron pot appeared, and the most modern kilns were concrete structures. Third, in Gurye, women cooperatively removed hemp husks immediately after stemming, subsequently bleaching the hemp by soaking it in lye or caustic soda. Over time, there have been changes in ash types and in soaking periods. Fourth, loom types changed from the traditional Korean back-strap loom to the treadle loom in the 1930s- to 1940s. Fifth, since the 1970s, the hemp textile output levels of Gurye have been reduced due to the westernization of clothing styles, the inflow of Chinese hemp fiber and government regulations pertaining to hemp cultivation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.