• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.57-75
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• 2019

Soundscapes have the potential to help people experience the historical background and cultural traditions by the scenery of a local area and to be used as a cultural and tourism resource. This concept was first explained in detail by M. Schafer and has been developed as a new way of experiencing landscapes using various senses. This research studied the soundscape of Kyodong Island, the so-called "Island of Peace" and designed new cultural acoustic content for education and tourism. Kyodong Island is located right below the Northern Limit Line and the whole island is in the Civilian Controlled Area. The political and economic status of the island has been changed dynamically by the Korean War and the division of the country. These days, the island needs to realize the vision of the "Island of Peace" in a more creative way using local resources, including its "cold war landscape" and the natural scenery of the region. This research applied the concept of a soundscape to document the island, and to reproduce it in an artistic way. A workshop was conducted to learn concepts and techniques of soundscapes with a sound artist. Listening, recording, conducting interviews, and literature research was used to study the soundscape of the island. After that, this research reconstructed the soundscape of the island through a soundscape composition. The main theme of the composition story was the "Hope and Wish for the Harmony and Peace" to show the vision of the "Island of Peace". The initial sub-theme for the introduction part was "First Encounter with Kyodong Island" arranging the representative soundscape, which could be the first impression of the region. The second sub-theme was "War and Tension" using several soundscapes as a metaphor for the tragedy of the Korean War. The third sub-theme was "Everyday Life of Kyodong Island" which described the energy of the present day, after the wounds of the war have healed. The final sub-theme was "Harmony and Peace" using traditional music and keynote sounds of the region as a reminder of the peaceful past, before the war. The recording files were documented as two types of sound maps. One was a two-dimensional map to show the soundscapes from one point of view, and the other used the online application called "Sound Around You". The final artwork was displayed at an exhibition and uploaded on YouTube to be shared publicly. Through this project, we discovered the potential of soundscapes as a medium to preserve the history and local identity, as well as presenting a new vision. The artwork will be exhibited at historically and culturally meaningful places on the Island to utilize the underused places as local tourist attractions and educational resources.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.1-14
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to understand the environmental traits and significance of the pond place that appears in historic maps in 'Dongchon(東村)', which is the eastern section within the fortress wall of Hanyang. We reviewed various documents and maps to identify the name of the pond, and of those materials we followed the name provided by official national records and geographical titles to designate it 'Eouidongji Pond(於義洞池).' The results of the research showed, first, that from the standpoint of location and environmental characteristics, that the area of the Eouidongji Pond was an area that contained a pastoral atmosphere within the city. It was located in an area where the waters flowing from the mountains gathered, and the boundaries of the pond would change based on water levels within a plot of land about 2,000pyeong(app. $6,600m^2$) in size. Second, when seen from the perspective of its creation background, the Eouidongji Pond seems to have been a naturally occurring pond which was modified when the water system was managed in the city at the beginning of the dynasty. In addition to its role as a reservoir, it was operated as a lotus pond(蓮池) to offer lotus(蓮) related by-products. With the nearby detached palace being actively used, it seems the pond was managed at the same time. The pond had already been filled in by the early 20th century, and although there were efforts to reconstruct the pond, it was eventually destroyed as the area was included in the site of a school during the colonial period. Third, the Eouidongji Pond was appreciated in many cases by individuals or admired as part of the natural landscape by viewing it from afar. In addition, it provided entry landscape near the road entering Dongchon, and was a location that was easily visited in connection with other nearby pleasure grounds. Through studying the location and environmental characteristics, the background of its creation and destruction, operation and management by time period, usage at the time, and characteristics of scenery appreciation of Eouidongji Pond, the Eouidongji Pond was a pond of high practical value to the nation, as it supplemented the water system in the city and was able to provide lotus harvests for the nation. In addition, from a urban environment perspective, it was a lateral landmark with a large area, as well as an effective boundary. It was an open area that the people of the Hanseong-bu could freely use, and it had a high public value due to its ease of accessibility.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.116-123
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• 2011

This study investigates the characteristics(form, material, structure, method of construction, vegetation) and model of lotus pond in Joseon Royal Tombs for conservation and restoration. The objects of study are the lotus pond of Namyangju Gwangreung, Hyoreung, Gimpo Jangreung and Sungreung that are well-preserved and the record is remaining. The form is two plane types, square shaped include an island and square shaped. The pond is 7.5~81m in width and 6.5~45m in length and the island is 8~16m in diameter. The depth of water is 0.5~1.2m and the cross section form is narrow bottom and wide top. The material of shore protection is soil in Hyoreung, Gimpo Jangreung and Sungreung. The bottom is mud in all sites. I think that the main material of the lotus pond in Joseon Royal Tombs is soil. The lotus pond is built by soil bank in the structure and method of construction. The water supply and drainage are worked through the culvert. There are many kinds of plants in the lotus pond today, however I think that the model of vegetation of lotus pond in Joseon Royal Tombs is lotus the inside, pine tree, fir tree and flowers the around and pine tree the inside of island in compared the present and the old literature. In comparison with the lotus pond in Joseon Royal Tombs and the lotus pond in the Joseon palace, the material is the biggest difference. The main material is soil in Royal Tombs but isodomic in Royal Palace. I think that the difference of material in between two causes the difference of structure and method of construction. The Royal Tombs is valuable in architecture, landscape and esthetics, this study investigated the characteristics and model of lotus pond in Joseon Royal Tombs. I think that this study serves as a momentum to find a traditional technique in Royal water space and offer the foundation to plan in the contemporary water space.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.72-87
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• 2018

This study highlights a drainage gate and a ditch, which existed around the whole area of the western shore of Wolji Pond(月池) and focuses on a possible connection between the drainage facility on the western shore and the historical drainage system of Wolji Pond. Specifically, it primarily considered locations and the form of a drainage gate, the relationship between northwestern ditch of Wolji Pond and the drainage gate, and the establishment period and the character of the drainage facility on the western shore. The drainage gate found in excavation in 1975 is determined as the same facility as Surakgu(水落口) recorded on an actual measurement drawing, 1922. Therefore, it is highly probable that there were already the drainage facility in the western shore of Wolji Pond before the 1920s. The drainage gate constructed by processing rectangular stones has four drainage holes for controlling water level. The way of the drainage through the drainage holes is the same as that of the northern shore of Wolji Pond. From a cadastral map drawn in 1913, it is found that the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond. The ditch was proximate to the drainage gate and shared the same axes. Hence, the ditch and the drainage gate are determined as a organic facility connected to the drainage system of Wolji Pond. In particular, the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond is the basis for judging that the drainage facility in the western shore were established before the 1910s. Water flowed in through drainage holes of the drainage gate is drained into the northwest of Wolji Pond, through the ditch. The establishment period and the intention of the drainage facility on the western shore can be interpreted in two aspects. First, they might be 'a agricultural irrigation facility in the Joseon era', given that Wolji Pond was recorded as a agricultural reservoir, and that the whole northwestern area of Wolji Pond was used as farm land areas. Second, they might be 'a drainage facility for controlling the water level in creating Wolji Pond', given that the drainage gate was annexed to the lower shore forming the waterline of Wolji Pond, and that the hight of drainage holes on top of the drainage gate was similar to the full water level of Wolji Pond. Considering the related grounds and circumstance, the latter possibility is high.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.26-36
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• 2018

This study aims to examine the characteristics of landscape through the analysis of location and the landscape of Gugok while also conducting the empirical study through the literature review, field study, and digital analysis of the Okgung Gugok. Oksan Gugok is a set of songs set in Ogsan Creek(玉山川)or Jagyese Creek(紫溪川, 紫玉山), which flows in front of the Oksan Memorial Hall(李彦迪), which is dedicated to the Lee Eong-jeok (李彦迪). We first ascertained the location and configuration of Oksan Gogok. Second, we confirmed the accurate location of Oksan Gogok by utilizing the digital topographic map of Oksan Gogok which was submitted by Google Earth Pro and Geographic Information Center as well as the length of the longitude of the gravel measured by the Trimble Juno SB GPS. Through the study of the literature and the field investigation, The results of the study are as follows. First, Yi Eonjeok was not a direct composer of Oksan Gugok, nor did he produce "Oksan Gugokha(Music)". Lee Ia-sung(李野淳), the ninth Youngest Son of Tweo-Kye, Hwang Lee, visited the "Oksan Gugokha" in the spring of 1823(Sunjo 23), which was the 270th years after the reign of Yi Eonjeok. At this time, receiving the proposal of Ian Sung, Lee Jung-eom(李鼎儼), Lee Jung-gi(李鼎基), and Lee Jung-byeong(李鼎秉), the descendants of Ian Sung set up a song and created Oksan Gugok Music. And the Essay of Oksan Travel Companions writted by Lee Jung-gi turns out being a crucial data to describe the situation when setting up the Ok-San Gugok. Second, In the majority of cases, Gogok Forest is a forest managed by a Confucian Scholar, not run by ordinary people. The creation of "Oksan Bugok Music" can be regarded as an expression of pride that the descendants of Yi Eonjeok and Lee Hwang, and next generation of several Confucian scholars had inherited traditional Neo-Confucian. Third, Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Donghaengki" contains a detailed description of the "Oksan Gugokha" process and the process of creating a song. Fourth, We examined the location of one to nine Oksan songs again. In particular, eight songs and nine songs were located at irregular intervals, and eight songs were identified as $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}08.60^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}31.20^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Referring to the ancient kingdom of Taojam, the nine-stringed Sainam was unbiased as a lower rock where the two valleys of the East West congregate. The location was estimated at $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}19.79^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}30.26^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Fifth, The landscape elements and landscapes presented in Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Gugokha" were divided into form, semantic and climatic elements. As a result, Lee Jung-eom's Cho Young-gwan was able to see the ideal of mountain water and the feeling of being idle in nature as well as the sense of freedom. Sixth, After examining the appearance of the elements and the frequency of the appearance of the landscape, 'water' and 'mountain' were the absolute factors that emphasized the original curved environment at the mouth of Lee Jung-eom. Therefore, there was gugokga can gauge the fresh ideas(神仙思想)and retreat ever(隱居思想). This inherent harmony between the landscape as well as through the mulah any ideas that one with nature and meditation, Confucian tube.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.45 no.5
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• pp.87-96
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• 2017

This study focuses on the Andong Hahoe Village and seeks to identify the shape of the walls since the 1970s. The change of walls can be divided into four periods based on characteristics of materials, shape and distribution. The following is a summary of the results: First, In the 1970s, when Andong Hahoe Village was not designated as a cultural heritage, roof tiles hung on the earthen walls in the middle of the village were major forms. On the outside of the village, rice straw and pine needles were put on the earthen walls or bush clover walls were put in place around if walls were not built. Second, after being designated as a cultural heritage in the 1980s, readjustments for cultural heritages were carried out at the primary stage. However, the distribution of cultural heritages and major changes were not determined at this time since readjustments were mainly focused on the renovation of derelict houses or maintenance of infrastructures. Third, in the past the use of stone bricks for the Hahoe Village site had been difficult, but in the 1990s, replacements with soil-stone walls were identified and the usage of roof tiles increased. The portion of earthen walls, which used to be the major form in the prior era, decreased and this seems to have continued until the 2000s. Fourth, via a field survey, it was found that most of Hahoe village walls consisted of soil cement bricks mixed with cement, steel, lime, gravel. etc. Also, the scope of straw-stricken walls and bush clover walls were reduced to a section of area outside of the village. Fifth, from the 1970s to the present, there were changes to the walls in Hahoe Village including an increase in usages of new materials and an expansion of houses with tiled roofs on top in accordance with the replacement of walls of existing houses. Relevant reasons for this have been identified, such as the fading value of Fungsui(風水) and lack of original records, insufficient awareness and expertise in non-building areas, and the relationship between residents on repairing the wall.

• Proceedings of The Korean Society of Health Promotion Conference
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• 2004.10a
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• pp.1-16
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• 2004

This paper considers the possibilities of health promotion from the following perspectives; (1) IUHPE, (2) socio-cultural similarities, (3) action research, and (4) learning from our past. 1. The IUHPE values decentralized activities through regions, and countries such as Japan, Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and China belong to NPWP region. Since IUHPE World Conference was held in Japan in 1995, Japan used to occupy more than 60% of NPWP membership. After 2001, membership is increasing rapidly in Chinese speaking sub-region. The transnational collaboration is still in its beginning phase. 2. Confucianism is one of key points. Confucian tradition should not be seen only as obstacles but as advantages to seek a form of health promotion more acceptable in East Asia. 3. Within the new public health framework, people are expected to create and live their health. However, especially in Japan, the tendency of 'lacking of face-to-face explicit interactions' is still common at health-promotion settings as well as academic settings. Therefore, the author tried participatory approaches such as asking WlFY (interactive questions designed for subjects to review their daily life and environment) and as introducing round table interactions. So far, majority of participants welcome new trials. 4. The following social phenomena are comparatively discussed after Japanese invasion and occupation of Korea ended in 1945; ·status of oriental medicine, ·separation of dispensary services, and ·health promotion specialist as a national license. In contrast to Japanese' tendency of maintaining the status quo and postponing of substantial social change, trend toward rapid and dynamic social changes are more commonly observed in Korea. Although all of above possibilities are still in their beginning stages, they are going to offer interesting directions waiting for further challenges and accompanying researches.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.52-69
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• 2021

The transcriptions of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty are more elaborate and splendid than those of any other period and occupy a very important position in Korean bibliography. Among them, the transcriptions made on indigo paper show decorative features that represent the dignity and quality that nobles would have preferred. Particularly, during the Goryeo Dynasty, a large number of transcriptions were made on indigo paper, often in hand-scrolled and folded forms. If flexibility was not guaranteed, the hand-scrolled form caused inconvenience and damage when handling the transcription because of the structural limitations of the material that is rolled up and opened. It was possible to overcome these shortcomings by changing from the hand-scrolled to the folded form to obtain convenience and structural stability. The folded form of the transcription utilizes the same principle as the folding screen, so it is a structure that can be folded and unfolded, and it is made by connecting parts at regularly spaced intervals. No matter how small the transcription is, if it is made of thin paper, it is difficult to handle it and to maintain its shape and structure. For this reason, the folded transcription was usually made of thick paper to support the structure, and the cover was made thicker than the inner part to protect the contents. In other words, the forded form was generally manufactured to suit the characteristics of maintaining strength by making the paper thick. Because a large amount of indigo paper was needed to make this type of transcription, it is assumed that there were craftsmen who were in charge only of dark dyeing the papers. Usually, paper dyeing requires much more dye than silk dyeing, and dyeing dozens of times would be required to obtain the deep indigo color of the base of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty. Unfortunately, there is no record of the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo blue paper manufacturing technique, and the craftsmen who made indigo paper no longer remain, so no one knows the exact method of making indigo paper. Recently, Hanji artisans, natural dyers, and conservators attempted to restore the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo paper, but the texture and deep colors found in the relics could not be reproduced. This study introduces the process of restoring indigo paper in the Goryeo Dynasty through collaboration between dyeing artisans, Hanji artisans, and conservators for conservation of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the late Goryeo dynasty, yielding a suggested method of making indigo paper.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.243-263
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• 2022

The royal court of Joseon had a tradition of mounting the Irworobongdo, a painting of the sun, the moon and the five sacred peaks, symbols of the king's immortal presence and authority, on a folding screen and placing it in special spaces within the palace that were reserved for the king. While the Irworobongdo is generally accepted as the important ceremonial object of the royal palaces of Joseon, there have been few studies on the various folding screens used in the royal palaces, largely because the official records about such screens do not match the remaining original relics. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the diversity of the shapes and mounting materials of the Irworobongdoused for various ceremonies held in the royal palaces of Joseon based on the Uigwe, the official records of the royal protocols of the Joseon dynasty. The discussion also extends to the theme rarely studied so far, namely the original form of the Irworobongdo and its evolution in the following period. The ceremonial "five peak" folding screens (Obongbyeong) used at a number of important palace buildings, including the crown hall (Jeongjeon), royal funerary hall (Binjeon), spirit hall (Honjeon) and portrait shrine (Jinjeon), differed in shape and size from the folding screens used in royal celebratory events such as banquets, although the paintings themselves and the style of mounting them were essentially the same. The paintings were mounted on screens bordered with green silk and ornamented with floral gilt designs. The folding screens used in royal ceremonies were produced according to strict guidelines that required the ceremonies and mounting materials to be graded on the basis of the status of each screen. It was not until the 1960s that these ceremonial folding screens of the Joseon dynasty, which had been neglected during the period of Japanese colonial rule of Korea, began to undergo conservation treatment provided as part of a heritage preservation program. Unfortunately, many of the screens repaired in this period lost some of their original features - largely due to the use of non-traditional mounting techniques. Considering, however, that significant achievements have since been made in the heritage preservation field based on the use of historical evidence, it is now necessary to systematically use the repair history of the information about the remaining royal ceremonial folding screens to ensure that they are preserved and managed more effectively in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.