• Title/Summary/Keyword: 재벌

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A Study on the Characteristics of the Wealth and nobility Interpretation System of 『Japyeongjinjeon』, 『Jeokcheonsu』 (『자평진전』, 『적천수』의 부·귀 해석체계 특징 고찰)

  • Kim, Seung-Jong;Kim, Ki-Seung
    • Industry Promotion Research
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    • v.6 no.3
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    • pp.71-78
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    • 2021
  • The purpose of this paper is to examine the characteristics of the rich and noble interpretation system of 『Japyeongjinjeon』 and 『Jeokcheonsu』. Myungrihak is a study that began with the study of human wealth and nobility There are 『Japyeongjinjeon』 and 『Jeokcheonsu』 as two major classics of Myeongrihak. However, while these representative books are similar to each other in the interpretation system for the interpretation of wealth and nobility, they also have different aspects. Looking at this. In 『Jepyeong Jinjeon』, the success or failure of the Su-Ju is judged first. If it is Seong-Gyeog (成格), it becomes a good Su-ju (吉), and if it is a Pae-Gyeog (敗格), it becomes a bad Sa-Ju (凶). Even when it comes to Seong-Gyeog, among them there are Gui-Gyeong (貴格) and great Gui-Gyeong (大貴格). Representative great Gui-Gyeong include Jaein-Byeongtu (財印並透), Sigsin -Saengjae (食神生財), Sigsin-Hapsal (食神合煞), Sal-yongsigje (煞用食制) and Sanggwan-Yonggwan (傷官用官). In 『Jeokcheonsu』, there is Jaegi-tongmun (財氣通門) as a Su-Ju with wealth and Gwanseong-Ihoe as a Su-Ju with nobility (貴). Hyundai Group Chairman Chung Ju-young, the representative chaebol of Korea, becomes a Seong-Gyeog in the argument of Japyeong Jinjeon』 and is a Sigsin -Saengjae, and Jaegi-tongmun according to the argument of 『Jeokcheonsu』 are met The first, third, and seventh conditions. Samsung Group Chairman Lee Byung-cheol meets the seventh condition clearly in the argument of 『Jeepyeong Jinjeon』, which is Seong-Gyeog and Sal-yongsigje. In this study, we find out what kind of interpretation method there are and how they differ from the two classics through the original text. In addition, the suitability of the theoretical composition is examined by comparing and examining the characteristics of the rich and noble interpretation system through empirical examples of modern representatives. It is hoped that it will be of some help to related research in the future.

Korean Family Business Research : A Review and Agenda for Future Research (우리나라 가족기업의 연구동향과 과제)

  • Nam, YoungHo
    • Korean small business review
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    • v.42 no.2
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    • pp.69-92
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    • 2020
  • This study is aimed at the growth and development of family businesses that greatly contribute to Korea's economic development, but the specific research purpose is to firstly examine the research trends and current status of Korean family businesses and compare them with those of developed countries such as the United States. Second, I would like to look at the future research for revitalizing Korean family business research. In addition, we intend to contribute to increasing the interest in this field and the number of researchers involved. The research target of this paper is 212 papers published in professional academic journals for 13 years from 2006 to 2018 when family businesses began to be fully researched in Korea, 112 master's and doctoral dissertations (graduate schools), and 324 totals. As a result of empirical analysis, the number of published papers is increasing more than the initial ones, but it has been on the decline recently. In addition, 57.5% of the journals are papers that do not have specific definitions or simply list the claims of several scholars by analyzing content. Thesis was 33.9%. As for the type of research, qualitative research, which is a conceptual research, is a small number, and empirical research occupies most of the research topics. Research topics and academic dissertations also have a large proportion of management, management strategy, succession, financial accounting, and business performance. In other words, it can be said that the research on family business in Korea corresponds to the early childhood of the United States. First of all, in the future, we need to put more effort into increasing the qualitative research, starting with the definition of a family business, which is an essential problem, in addition to the theory building of family business. Second, as an analysis level of research, we should make family an important level of analysis for existing individuals, groups, and organizations. Third, the research subject and research area should be expanded. It is desperately necessary to study large companies including chaebols, mainly from small and medium-sized companies, which are the existing research areas of family business. In addition, it is considered that it is necessary to appropriately introduce various theories suitable for the interdisciplinary study, which is the characteristic of the family business, for example, theories of family science, psychology, and sociology. Fourth, it should build the research infrastructure.

The Concentration of Economic Power in Korea (경제력집중(經濟力集中) : 기본시각(基本視角)과 정책방향(政策方向))

  • Lee, Kyu-uck
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.31-68
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    • 1990
  • The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.

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