• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.64-87
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• 2020

Copper trihydroxychloride (atacamite, botallackite, paratacamite, etc.), the first green pigment used in Mogao Grotto's mural paintings of China, has been known as "copper green", "green salt", and "salt green", etc. and has been used as an important green pigment with malachite. At first, the natural mineral atacamite was employed, but after the Five Dynasties (907~960 CE), synthetic copper trihydroxychloride was primarily used. In Chinese literature, copper green, green salt, and salt green are recorded as being made via reaction with copper powder, Gwangmyeongyeom (natural sodium chloride), and Yosa (natural ammonium chloride), and the prepared material was analyzed to be copper trihydroxychloride. Copper trihydroxychloride pigment was not found in paintings prior to the Joseon Dynasty (1392~1910 CE) in Korea. In analysis of the green pigments used in paintings and the architectural paintworks in the Joseon Dynasty, copper trihydroxychloride was also shown to have been used as an important green pigment with malachite (Seokrok). In particular, the proportion of copper trihydroxychloride use was high in Buddhist paintings, shamanic paintings, and dancheongs (decorative coloring on wooden buildings). Some of these turned out to be synthetic copper trihydroxychloride, but it is unclear whether the rest of them are synthetic or natural pigments due to a lack of analyzed data. From literature and painting analyses, the pigment name of copper trihydroxychloride in the Joseon Dynasty turns out to be Hayeob, a dark green pigment. It is believed to have first been prepared by learning from China in the early Joseon period (early 15^th century) and its use continued until the late 19^th century with imported Chinese pigment. Round or oval particles with a dark core of copper trihydroxychloride which were used in Chinese literature were similar to the synthetic copper trihydroxychloride pigments used in the Joseon Dynasty and Chinese paintings. Therefore, the synthetic copper trihydroxychloride pigments of Korea and China are believed to have been prepared in a similar way.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.232-245
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• 2021

The present study is about a brand development strategy that utilizes Korean traditional patterns. The global culturenomics phenomenon confirms the value of the cultural aspects of design when a national brand is established. People succeed with their unique aesthetic sense and reinterpret it in a modern view, and this design acts as today's national brands. In this way, people used traditional patterns and original designs, along with regional characteristics and formative style, in developing their designs. However, due to recent changes in the global environment, modern people live in an "untact" world, and consumption culture shifted toward online marketing. In this environment, where one is isolated from social activities, there needs to be a strong image that can dramatically change the mood of one's home. I would like to re-examine the Dan-Chung pattern, whose painting depends on the aesthetic characteristics of architecture to protect the wooden members of the framework in traditional architecture. The pattern and color of Dan-Chung, coated in traditional architecture, differs by the type of construction used, which includes a palace, a Buddhist temple, and a Confucianism Dan Chung. The Geummoon pattern contains aesthetic factors to add solemnity to the Main Buddhist Halls, which contain Buddha. This is a new medium that continues the current traditions instead of remaining in the past. Among different Dan Chung patterns, Geummoon has magnificent decoration consisting of the highest grade materials and unique composition; therefore, it is suitable to be reinterpreted in modern terms. The same pattern can be interpreted in different ways with different colors, so there is a great aesthetic impression in the Geummoon pattern. The value of preservation for exploration and theoretical study of the traditional pattern is important, but recreating the pattern into modern formative art can present a new angle of view and national brand, bearing pride in our cultural assets. The study used multidimensional molding methods for realistic presentation after going through the two-dimensional design process. The significant value of Korean molding beauty which hangs onto the past will play a crucial role in establishing our national brand.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.68-89
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• 2021

In August 1837, a list of wedding gifts was given by Queen Sunwon (1789-1857) to her son-in-law, Namnyeong-wie, Yun Eui-Seon (1823-1887) at the wedding of Princess Deok-on (1822-1844). This Honsubalgi is now kept at the National Hangeul Museum. This text was used in the present study to examine the everyday clothes of the royal son-in-law in the early 19th century. First, the everyday clothes were organized into about 36 types. They were classified as tops, bottoms, hats, accessories, belts, pouches, fans and shoes. Second, the most important clothes were the ordinary formal attire, composed of the namgwangsa dopo and namgwangcho changui. As for the bottoms, the pants, the Chinese hemp leggings, two pairs of socks, the green silk belt, and a pair of light blue ankle ties were identified. Third, as for the head and accessories, there were heukrip, with the gemstone string and silk string, the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan, as well as tang-geon and bok-geon. And there were the sangtu-gwan, three types of donggos, and the mang-geon equipped with okgwanja. On the other hand, the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan are peculiar hats whose status has changed over time since the mid-18th century. The fact that the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan were given to Namnyeong-wie showed that the status of these hats improved in the early reign of King Heonjong. The belt was given with the sejodae that is suitable for the dangsang, the coral plates, and the silk bag containing a flint pouch. Fourth, there were the red-colored sejodae, a ssamji silk pouch for flint and the fan decorated with okseonchu, and shoes, such as unhye and danghye.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.208-227
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• 2013

Twenty-seven bronze bowls excavated from the Goryo burial complex at Deobu-gol were examined for their microstructure and chemical composition to characterize the bronze technology practiced by commoners at the time. Results showed that the objects examined can be classified into four groups: 1) objects forged out of Cu-near 22%Sn alloys and then quenched; 2) objects cast from Cu-below 10% Sn alloys containing lead; 3) objects cast from Cu-10%~20% Sn alloys containing lead and then quenched; 4) objects forged out of Cu-10~20% Sn alloys containing lead and then quenched. This study revealed that the fabrication technique as determined by alloy compositions plays an important role in bronze technology. The use of lead was clearly associated with the selection of quenching temperatures, the character of inclusions and the color characteristics of bronze surfaces. It was found that the objects containing lead were quenched at temperatures of $520^{\circ}{\sim}586^{\circ}C$ while those without lead were quenched at the range of $586^{\circ}{\sim}799^{\circ}C$. The presence of selenium in impurity inclusions was detected only in alloys containing lead, suggesting that the raw materials, Cu and Sn, used in making the lead-free alloys for the first group were carefully selected from those smelted using ores without lead contamination. Furthermore, the addition of lead was found to have significant effects on the color characteristics of the surface of bronze alloys when they are subjected to corrosion during interment. In leaded alloys, corrosion turns the surface light green or dark green while in unleaded alloys, corrosion turns the surface dark brown or black. It was found that in fabrication, the wall thickness of the bronze bowls varies depending on the application of quenching; most of the quenched objects have walls 1mm thick or below while those without quenching have walls 1mm thick or above. Fabrication techniques in bronze making usually reflect social environments of a community. It is likely that in the late Goryo period, experiencing lack of skilled bronze workers, the increased demand for bronze was met in two ways; by the use of chief lead instead of expensive tin and by the use of casting suitable for mass production. The above results show that the Goryo bronze workers tried to overcome such a resource-limited environment through technological innovations as apparent in the use of varying fabrication techniques for different alloys. Recently, numerous bronze objects are excavated and available for investigation. This study shows that with the use of proper analytical techniques they can serve as a valuable source of information required for the characterization of the associated technology as well as the social environment leading to the establishment of such technology.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.101-110
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• 2020

This study was conducted through the analysis of literature and on-site research as a case study of 14 artists' gardens with traditional themes presented at the garden fair. With Focusing on the design process for determining traditional reproduction, the following characteristics and implications were derived by analyzing the design goals, selection of subjects for traditional reenactment, determination of methods for reproduction, and design stages of landscape components. First, the pattern of selecting traditional structures as subjects for reproduction in many artist gardens can be understood as an advantage of being suitable for narrow sites and having remarkable topic communicability. They directly delivered the design intent by adding the names of traditional structures such as Madang, Wool, Buttumak, Jangdokdae, Chuibyeong and Seokgasan. Works expressed indirectly, such as Wall, Korean Garden, Suwon, and Seoul craftsmen, have relatively weak topic communicability. There were also symbolic representations of objects to be reproduced, such as Seonbi, marginal spaces, and Pung-lyu. Second, while reproducing Hanok Madang, separate the gardens paved with grass and stone, the fortress wall of Suwon Hwaseong and the northwest Gongsimdon of the watchtower. Also the garden with a miniature version of the extraneous Yong-yeon and the garden, which was reproduced as a low decorative wall in the rest area based on Nakan-Eupseong Fortress, shows the need for a deep understanding of tradition. On the other hand, the reproducting works of choosing the location of the traditional garden, the Korean Garden showed the importance of systematic arrangement with the surrounding environment, the beauty of the space in the courtyard of Hanok, the beauty of the slowness enjoyed by the scholars and the reenactments of the Pung-lyu culture of Moonlight boating are not only imitating traditional structures but also spreading understanding of tradition to garden culture and sentiment. Third, there were many works that reconstructed the real-size traditional structure in a straightforward way in relation to design. The garden was divided into Chuibyeong and the living space was decorated with Buttumak, chimneys, and gardens, and facilities representing Gyeongbokgung Palace, Soswaewon, and Seoseokji were systemically arranged. However it recognized the importance of selecting the key design elements, constructing the elevation of the structure, and the sense of scale of the space from works that reproduced the large Suwon Hwaseong and Nakan-Eupseong in an abstract way. While there are examples gardens of Hanok yards and Bazawul, which are far from the original image among the gardens that chose the dismantling method, the Blank-space garden expressed only by a frame composed of cubes, and Seonbi's Sarangbang garden, that permeated the moonlight with many traditional structures are the positive examples. The Seoul Artisan Garden, Jikji Simche Garden and Pung-lyu Garden, which display modernly designed landscape components, need an explanation to understand the author's intention.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.52-69
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• 2021

The transcriptions of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty are more elaborate and splendid than those of any other period and occupy a very important position in Korean bibliography. Among them, the transcriptions made on indigo paper show decorative features that represent the dignity and quality that nobles would have preferred. Particularly, during the Goryeo Dynasty, a large number of transcriptions were made on indigo paper, often in hand-scrolled and folded forms. If flexibility was not guaranteed, the hand-scrolled form caused inconvenience and damage when handling the transcription because of the structural limitations of the material that is rolled up and opened. It was possible to overcome these shortcomings by changing from the hand-scrolled to the folded form to obtain convenience and structural stability. The folded form of the transcription utilizes the same principle as the folding screen, so it is a structure that can be folded and unfolded, and it is made by connecting parts at regularly spaced intervals. No matter how small the transcription is, if it is made of thin paper, it is difficult to handle it and to maintain its shape and structure. For this reason, the folded transcription was usually made of thick paper to support the structure, and the cover was made thicker than the inner part to protect the contents. In other words, the forded form was generally manufactured to suit the characteristics of maintaining strength by making the paper thick. Because a large amount of indigo paper was needed to make this type of transcription, it is assumed that there were craftsmen who were in charge only of dark dyeing the papers. Usually, paper dyeing requires much more dye than silk dyeing, and dyeing dozens of times would be required to obtain the deep indigo color of the base of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty. Unfortunately, there is no record of the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo blue paper manufacturing technique, and the craftsmen who made indigo paper no longer remain, so no one knows the exact method of making indigo paper. Recently, Hanji artisans, natural dyers, and conservators attempted to restore the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo paper, but the texture and deep colors found in the relics could not be reproduced. This study introduces the process of restoring indigo paper in the Goryeo Dynasty through collaboration between dyeing artisans, Hanji artisans, and conservators for conservation of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the late Goryeo dynasty, yielding a suggested method of making indigo paper.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.226-241
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• 2020

Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.