• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.57 no.2
• /
• pp.80-100
• /
• 2024

This paper investigated the major history and reality of iconological composition for Jagyeongjeon Hall's flowered wall in Gyeongbokgung Palace, which was controversial in terms of preservation and management of cultural heritage. While analyzing the moment and cause of the flowered wall's renovation as it is now, modified or disappeared patterns were identified, and meaningfully misinterpreted congratulatory phrases were reviewed. The research results can be used as meaningful basic data when discussions are made for the restoration of the wall in the future. Jagyeongjeon Hall's flowered wall has reached the present day with large and small changes, but the inflection point that had a significant impact was the Joseon Expo (朝鮮博覽會) held at Gyeongbokgung Palace in 1929. This is because the wall that remained in the Jagyeongjeon Hall area was demolished to build an exhibition hall while preparing for the expo, and it was restored after the end of the event. It is highly likely that the modification or disappearance of the patterns constituting Jagyeongjeon Hall's flowered wall was also due to the restoration process carried out after the expo. There is a view that was transformed into its current state in the process of repair work carried out after the Korean War, but it is difficult to find any meaningful circumstances and evidence. Currently, character patterns known as 'Seongnidori(聖人道理)' are arranged on the inner wall of the section from Gyeongdomun Gate(擎桃門) to Yeogangmun Gate(如岡門), but considering the design form and example, it can be read as 'Seongjasinson(聖子神孫)'. The inner wall of the section from Yeogangmun Gate to Yeonsumun Gate(燕壽門) was originally made in the form of a flowered wall, and the phrases presumed to be 'Gyegyeseungseung(繼繼繩繩)' and 'Cheonse(千世)' were arranged. In the case of the section from Yeonsumun Gate to Hamgyumun Gate(含奎門), the inner wall where the pattern has disappeared is originally composed of geometric and character patterns, and there were also phrases specified as 'Cheonsu(千壽)' and 'Mansemansu(萬世萬壽)'. On the outer wall of the section from Yeonsumun Gate to Hamgyumun Gate, there is a possibility that the phrase known as 'Nakgangmanse(樂彊萬歲)' can be read as 'Cheonsemanse(千歲萬歲)'. In addition, the current outer wall was composed of one drawing board, but in the past, two drawing boards were composed separately.

• Korean Journal of Ichthyology
• /
• v.35 no.4
• /
• pp.263-269
• /
• 2023

This study aims to contribute to the research on resource recovery for the rapidly declining population of Liparis tanakae by observing the larval development process and the morphology of juveniles based on their growth. Natural spawning eggs collected in Yeosu were used for observing the process of egg development and larval morphology. The water temperature during the rearing process was maintained at 12.3~13.5℃ (average 12.7℃). The fertilized eggs had an egg diameter ranging from 1.57 to 1.79 mm (average 1.71 mm) and were spherical and adhesive. Within 4 hours 35 minutes after fertilization, they reached the two-cell stage, and after 74 hours 10 minutes, the formation of the yolk sac began. At 106 hours post-fertilization, a caudal fin appeared at the tail tip. Hatching began at 526 hours, and the larvae developed with the yolk sac positioned just behind the eyes. The newly hatched larvae had both the mouth and anus open. Melanophores appeared inside the lower jaw and around the tail on the third day after hatching. By the 16th day after hatching, most of the yolk was absorbed, and melanophores were visible in the head region. Finally, on the 63rd day after hatching, the head region significantly developed, and the body shape and mouth were similar to those of an adult fish, signifying the transition to the juvenile stage. This study will serve as valuable data for aquaculture techniques related to the conservation and restoration of fish species based on the hatching and juvenile morphology of Liparis tanakae.

• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
• /
• v.57 no.1
• /
• pp.39-50
• /
• 2024

In ecosystems within limited resources, interspecific competition is inevitable, often leading to the competitive exclusion of inferior species. This study aims to provide foundational information for the conservation and restoration management of Microphysogobio rapidus by evaluating species' ecological response to biological factors within its habitat. To understand this relationship, we collected food web organisms from site where M. rapidus coexist with Microphysogobio yaluensis, a specie ecologically similar to M. rapidus, and evaluated the trophic levels (TL), isotopic niche space (INS), and the overlap of INS among fishes within the habitat using stable isotope analysis. Our analysis revealed that the M. rapidus exhibited a higher TL than M. yaluensis, with TL of 2.6 and 2.4, respectively. M. yaluensis exhibited a broad INS, significantly influencing the feeding characteristics of most fish. Conversely, M. rapidus showed a narrow INS and asymmetric feeding relationships with other species, in habitats with high competition levels. This feeding characteristics of M. rapidus indicate that the increase in competitors sharing the similar resources lead to a decrease in available resources and, consequently, is expected to result in a decrease in their density.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
• /
• v.38 no.3
• /
• pp.293-309
• /
• 2024

This study was conducted to provide basic data on the structure of the Carpinus turczaninowii community and the characteristics of the habitat environment for ex situ conservation. To identify the current ecological environment, 27 plots (each measuring 100m²) were selected for analyzing the detailed structure of plant communities in Anmyondo Isl.(Jungjangri San 14-217), Hwanggumsan Mt., Gayasan Mt.(Wonhyobong) and Palbongsan Mt.. The research methodology employed in this study was qualitative analysis. The TWINSPAN classification yielded a total of seven distinct communities. Group I represents the C. turczaninowii - Quercus mongolica community, Group II represents the C. turczaninowii - Pinus densiflora community, Group III represents the C. turczaninowii - P. densiflora community, Group IV represents the C. turczaninowii - Q. mongolica community, Group V represents the C. turczaninowii - Q. variabilis community, Group VI represents the C. turczaninowii - Prunus serrulata Lindl. var. pubescens community, and Group VII represents the C. turczaninowii - Styrax japonicus community. The species diversity ranged from 0.8056 to 1.1568, the importance value ranged from 0.1214 to 0.3024, and the similarity index ranged from 9.37% to 36.36%. Based on the correlation analysis of six environmental factors for the seven communities using RDA ordination, the results indicate that on the first axis, Altitude, Crown density, Bare rock, and Slope exhibited a positive correlation. In the C. turczaninowii - P. densiflora community (Group III) and C. turczaninowii - Q. mongolica community (Group IV), altitude, bare rock, and slope were analyzed as factors influencing vegetation distribution. In the C. turczaninowii - Q. variabilis community (Group V), C. turczaninowii - P. serrulata Lindl. var. pubescens community (Group VI), and C. turczaninowii - S. japonicus community (Group VII), crown density was analyzed as a factor influencing vegetation distribution.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.18
• /
• pp.413-444
• /
• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• The Korean Journal of Quaternary Research
• /
• v.20 no.1 s.26
• /
• pp.51-66
• /
• 2006

The climate of the last glacial maximum (LGM) in northeast Asia is simulated with an atmospheric general circulation model of NCAR CCM3 at spectral truncation of T170, corresponding to a grid cell size of roughly 75 km. Modern climate is simulated by a prescribed sea surface temperature and sea ice provided from NCAR, and contemporary atmospheric CO2, topography, and orbital parameters, while LGM simulation was forced with the reconstructed CLIMAP sea surface temperatures, sea ice distribution, ice sheet topography, reduced $CO_2$, and orbital parameters. Under LGM conditions, surface temperature is markedly reduced in winter by more than $18^{\circ}C$ in the Korean west sea and continental margin of the Korean east sea, where the ocean exposed to land in the LGM, whereas in these areas surface temperature is warmer than present in summer by up to $2^{\circ}C$. This is due to the difference in heat capacity between ocean and land. Overall, in the LGM surface is cooled by $4{\sim}6^{\circ}C$ in northeast Asia land and by $7.1^{\circ}C$ in the entire area. An analysis of surface heat fluxes show that the surface cooling is due to the increase in outgoing longwave radiation associated with the reduced $CO_2$ concentration. The reduction in surface temperature leads to a weakening of the hydrological cycle. In winter, precipitation decreases largely in the southeastern part of Asia by about $1{\sim}4\;mm/day$, while in summer a larger reduction is found over China. Overall, annual-mean precipitation decreases by about 50% in the LGM. In northeast Asia, evaporation is also overall reduced in the LGM, but the reduction of precipitation is larger, eventually leading to a drier climate. The drier LGM climate simulated in this study is consistent with proxy evidence compiled in other areas. Overall, the high-resolution model captures the climate features reasonably well under global domain.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.100
• /
• pp.140-170
• /
• 2021

This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.100
• /
• pp.50-80
• /
• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.22 no.6
• /
• pp.721-741
• /
• 2007

1. For the types of boiled rice, there were 1 type of bap, 1 type of jebap cooked with glutinous rice, 13 types of boiled rice cooked by mixing grains and nuts such as daemakban, somakban, jobap, cheongryangmiban, jobap, gijangbap, yulmubap, hyeonmibap, boribap and patmulbap as well as patbap, congbap, byeolbap and bambap etc as ogokbap. Also, there were 12 types of bap cooked by mixing herb medicinal ingredients such as cheongjeong, oban, boksungabap, gumeunsaekbap, hwanggukgamchobap, yeongeunbap, okjeongbap, gogumabap, dububap, samssibap, dorajibap, gamjabap, songibap and jukshilbap. There were 7 types bap cooked as unique one bowl dish at the present as bapby mixing fish, meat, shellfish and milk as ingredients are hwangtang, gyejanggukbap, janggukbap, gulbap, kimchibap, chusaban and bibimbap, etc and the types of bap that have been analyzed are 34 total. 2. For the food ingredients used in bap types 23 types of miscellaneous grains, 5 types of nuts and 11 types of meat, 6 types of fish, 35 types of vegetables, 2 types of fruit including pears or peaches were used. Garlic wasn't used perhaps because of it being boiled rice 3. Types of Sap by Cooking Methods. (1) The ssalbap was cooked by first boiling water, putting in rice grains and boiling hard to be cooked as overcooked bap (rice). (2) The japgokbap (boiled cereals) has used buckwheat, barley job's tear, etc to be boiled down by soaking the ones with large grains (beans) first in advance to be boiled down or cooked by crushing into fine pieces. The red bean, etc was boiled down in advance or placed at the bottom of pot by cutting into two pieces while jujube or nut was cut into three pieces to cook the bap by pouring a lot of water and mixing other ingredients. (3) The gukbap (soup boiled rice), etc were cooked by squeezing out the yellow chrysanthemum that has dried chrysanthemum to cook the boiled rice by putting in rice and gukbap, meat or bones, etc were boiled down for a long time and decorated with meat or wild greens by mixing the bap in the meat juice. For gulbap (oyster boiled rice), etc, it was cooked as ingredients were stir fried in advance or washed and put in when the bap was about half cooked. (4) For bibimbap (mixed boiled rice), after the bap was overcooked first with rice, the wild greens were mixed lightly with bap beforehand, then the wild greens, decorations and garnishings were laid above rice and red pepper powder was sprinkled. (5) Namchok leaves, etc were boiled to cook the boiled rice with rice after being cooled while namchok stem and leaves were pounded to make juice and cooked the bap with rice. The peach, lotus root and yams were cut into fine pieces to be put in together when rice was about half done. The bellflower was soaked in water to be boiled down for a long time while potatoes and pine mushrooms, etc were cut into fine pieces to cook the bap (boiled rice) with rice.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.37
• /
• pp.285-307
• /
• 2004

Synthesize and examine petrological characteristic and geochemical characteristic by weathering formation of rock and progress of weathering laying stress on stone cultural properties of Unjusa temple of Chonnam Hwasun county site in this research. Examine closely weathering element that influence mechanical, chemical, mineralogical and physical weathering of rocks that accomplish stone cultural properties and these do quantification, wish to utilize by a basic knowledge for conservation scientific research of stone cultural properties by these result. Enforced component analysis of rock and mineralogical survey about 18 samples (pyroclastic tuff; 7, ash tuff; 4, granite ; 4, granitic gneiss; 3) all to search petrological characteristic and geochemical characteristic by weathering of Unjusa temple precinct stone cultural properties and recorded deterioration degree about each stone cultural properties observing naked eye. Major rock that constitution Unjusa temple one great geological features has strike of N30-40W and dip of 10-20NE being pyroclastic tuff. This pyroclastic tuff is ranging very extensively laying center on Unjusa temple and stone cultural properties of precinct is modeled by this pyroclastic tuff. Stone cultural propertieses of present Unjusa temple precinct are accomplishing structural imbalance with serious crack, and because weathering of rock with serious biological pollution is gone fairly, rubble break away and weathering and deterioration phenomenon such as fall off of a particle of mineral are appearing extremely. Also, a piece of iron and cement mortar of stone cultural properties everywhere are forming precipitate of reddish brown and light gray being oxidized. About these stone cultural properties, most stone cultural propertieses show SD(severe damage) to MD(moderate damage) as result that record Deterioration degree. X-ray diffraction analysis result samples of each rock are consisted of mineral of quartz, orthoclase,plagioclase, calcite, magnetite etc. Quartz and feldspar alterated extremely in a microscopic analysis, and biotite that show crystalline form of anhedral shows state that become chloritization that is secondary weathering mineral being weathered. Also, see that show iron precipitate of reddish brown to crack zone of tuff everywhere preview rock that weathering is gone deep. Tuffs that accomplish stone cultural properties of study area is illustrated to field of Subalkaline and Peraluminous, $SiO_2$(wt.%) extent of samples pyroclastic tuff 70.08-73.69, ash tuff extent of 70.26-78.42 show. In calculate Chemical Index of Alteration(CIA) and Weathering Potential Index(WPI) about major elements extent of CIA pyroclastic tuff 55.05-60.75, ash tuff 52.10-58.70, granite 49.49-51.06 granitic gneiss shows value of 53.25-67.14 and these have high value gneiss and tuffs. WPI previews that is see as thing which is illustrated being approximated in 0 lines and 0 lines low samples of tuffs and gneiss is receiving esaily weathering process as appear in CIA. As clay mineral of smectite, zeolite that is secondary weathering produce of rock as result that pick powdering of rock and clothing material of stone cultural properties observed by scanning electron micrographs (SEM). And roots of lichen and spore of hyphae that is weathering element are observed together. This rock deep organism being coating to add mechanical weathering process of stone cultural properties do, and is assumed that change the clay mineral is gone fairly in stone cultural properties with these. As the weathering of rocks is under a serious condition, the damage by the natural environment such as rain, wind, trees and the ground is accelerated. As a counter-measure, the first necessary thing is to build the ground environment about protecting water invasion by making the drainage and checking the surrounding environment. The second thing are building hardening and extirpation process that strengthens the rock, dealing biologically by reducing lichens, and sticking crevice part restoration using synthetic resin. Moreover, it is assumed to be desirable to build the protection facility that can block wind, sunlight, and rain which are the cause of the weathering, and that goes well with the surrounding environment.