• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.56-77
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• 2010

The tortoise pedestal for the memorial monument of Choe Jin-rip(an army officer in the mid-Joseon Period) in Ijo-ri, Naenam-myeon, Gyeongju is known to have been made in 1740. As such, it was originally understood to be a Joseon imitation of a tortoise pedestal made in the Unified Silla Period. The style of the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal differs from other tortoise pedestals dating back to the same period, and bears no resemblance to the Unified Silla pedestals of which it is a copy. Mullu ilgi, a record of the production of the pedestal, explains that the monument was made before the pedestal. Traces show that the two sides of the bottom of the monument were cut off so that it would fit into the smaller space made on the pedestal. It is scarcely conceivable that they made the pedestal and the platform without considering the bottom size of the monument. The record only states that the monument was made at a temple site named Baegundae, without explaining the details of the production process. This leaves some doubt as to whether its production was undertaken systematically. The cloud patterns engraved on this pedestal look similar to the temporal seriation found on the Tortoise Pedestal of the Royal Tomb of King Muyeol and the Seoangni Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju. The lotus pattern decorating the square pedestal on the back of the tortoise is one of a number of patterns that were widely used on roof-tiles in the 8th century, the heyday of the Unified Silla Kingdom. The Ijori Tortoise Pedestal, which represents a tortoise moving forward, displays a liveliness the like of which is rarely found in its cousins remaining in Gyeongju. The layout of the patterns in a queue on the tortoise-shell looks much better schematized than those made at an earlier date. It also looks like a more developed form, with the use of space taken into account. Such factors as the style of the patterns, the incongruity between the monument and its pedestal, and what is stated in the historical record indicate that the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju was made in the mid-8th century(i.e. during the Unified Silla Period), rather than in the Joseon Period(i.e. the 18th century), as an imitation of earlier ones, including changes in the style unique to the Silla Period.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.139-148
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• 2011

This study has a purpose of base study for ascertaining landscape architect's role of Reung Chambong through analyzing old literature include Kyungkukdae-Jeon, Sokdae-Jeon, Daejeonhoitong, Joseonwangjo-Sillok, Eugye, Reung-Ji, Ilsung-Rok, Reung Chambong's diary. Reung Chambong was a government post in the Joseon dynasty, who managed Royal Tombs of Joseon Dynasty that has promoted as a World Heritage of UNESCO. the conclusions drawn from this study are as follows. First, Reung Chambong was comprised of two Jong 9 pum Chanmbong members. a position of Reung Chambong was a Eumjik appointed Saengwon, Jinsa, Yuhak completed Sammang. the standards of appointment is a experienced person and too young. it became means for accessing a government post because it had a symbolic representation of Royal Tombs guardian. Second, The management system of Reung Chambong was approved on the basis of ranking. however, due to geographical reasons, they had much authority and various mission than is possible. for example, construction supervisor of the Reung and Bongsim, manager of the Reungsuhogun and filling out Reungji. they performed an important role in management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty. Third, One of tasks related in landscape architecture, a Bongshim reported Sukmul(stonework), Sacho, Jungja-Gak of Reungsang to Yejo periodically. formational system and method of Bongshim are provided in the Kyungkukdae-Jeon and Sokdae-Jeon detailedly. Fourth, Tree management and construction supervisor of Reungsang, positions among tasks related in landscape architecture, required basic understanding and management ability of botany, various eye for spatial perception includes civil and architectural projects. also, as a site management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty, Reung Chambong was empowered tacit authorization and responsibility in mobility preoccupancy of vertical relationship with local officials and handling by-product of site. there is a close correspondence with landscape architect of today. A follow-up research is required to ascertain landscape architect historical values of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty and Reung Chambong's role as a site management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty through historical seeking and research old literature on Reung Chambong's role related in landscape architect.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.67-95
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• 2018

Gyeong-san(經山) Jeong Won-yong(鄭元容, 1783~1873) passed the state examination in 1802(純祖 2), and he has been in office for about 70 years. Jeong Won-yong with excellent administrative ability, he was an important figure in the Sedo politics, and was recognized by many writers for his outstanding writings. Nevertheless, his research results are small. This paper studyed his literary theories as a preliminary to look at Jeong Won-yong's literature in general After examining the features of Jeong Won-yong, there were three main aspects. First, Jeong Won-yong had a negative view of imitation. In particular, he stressed that he should oppose the attitude of unconditionally following Go-in(古人) without considering his capabilities and express his intention. Second, Jeong Won-yong pursued Jin-ui(眞意) when he wrote a poem. He thought rather than think that it is important to decorate a poem, it is important that emotion is exposed to the poem in a natural way. And he tried to unfold his individuality in the poem without copying others. Because if he imitate someone else when he write a poem, it is hard to express his thinking. His negative view of imitation and he pursued Jin-ui(眞意) are closely related. Lastly, Jeong Won-yong considered records important. Jeong Won-yong's record spirit is deeply related to his government service life. Jeong Won-yong who had been in government service all his life, hoped his experience would help manage the country. That's why he thought records were very important. And through this recording behavior, he wanted to get help later on. So it seems that he left a vast works.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.261-286
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• 2018

It is possible to communicate with objects in various styles, but especially the poem[詩], the ode[賦], the inscription[銘] are remarkable. The word is not the mouth, but the mind and the soul. Therefore, if a person is in a relationship with an object that defines the person, what conversation with the object is the person's inner. So if you know what a person has been with things, you can imagine his outer surface, and you can get inner if you know what you talked about. Seo Kyung-duk who lived a poverty life, but can not live without things, so his things are not a thing, Seo Kyung-duk also recorded especially about the dojookjang[bamboo cane], the buchae[fan], and the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$[Korean lute] Seo Kyung-duk with the buchae, Seo Kyung-duk with the dojookjang, and Seo Kyung-duk with the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$. These are the pictures we can imagine. And I can draw Seo Kyung-duk to talk with those things. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the dojookjang, shows the reality of participating in the rescue of the people's hardships and the stubborn world. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the buchae, is a philosopher who explores the origin of existence with the appearance of realistic preachers who have to wash away the difficulties of the people. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$, is a philosopher who grasps Ki(氣) the phenomenon and the source, the immaterial and the material, the type and the intangible. Both the strings and non-strings are $k{\breve{o}}mungos$. The $k{\breve{o}}mungo$ is strong in ideology symbolizing the Confucianism ideological ideals, and Seok Kyung-duk is also in the extension line. Seo Gyeong-deok, who has seen through the dojookjang, the buchae, and the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$ has a realistic sense of realizing that he should worry about the pain of the world and fulfill a good world. He is a philosopher who pierces the root of existence and can be governed by the logic of Ki(氣).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.179-204
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• 2017

Hojil(虎叱) and Yangbanjeon(兩班傳) reveal the characteristic styles of Park Jiwon(朴趾源)'s writing, which is combining styles of unofficial history/biography(外傳) and allegory(寓言), and full of the senses of satire and humour which form another characteristc of his writing style or tone. This paper reexamines narrative styles, meaning structures and themes of these two works which combine the styles of unofficial history/biography and allegory, and researches methods and techniques of allegory and satire which presents the subversive and critical themes and thoughts of the author. In Hojil, combining of the two styles, the author constructs the narrative world and plot, manipulates allegoric figures to symbolize and present multilayered meaning, and criticize the decadence of confucian aristocracy [Sadaebu: 士大夫] and it's abuses. In Yangbanjeon by combining of two styles, the author weave a biography of Yangban(兩班) in general, which presents the attributes and historical position of the Yangban class. And by the nonsensical fictional event which caricatures crisis of the Yangban class, and tedious description of the manners and behaviors of the Yangban, the author and satires the snobbery of the Yangban and the absurdity of their classical privileges. As he did in Hojil, the author urges the self-examination of the reader raising a question about the position and the function or duty of the Yangban class in the changing world. And the various skills of satire together with the irony, paradox, parody and pun were used dexterously in above two works.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.557-574
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to analyze the cause of high PM2.5 mass concentrations in Cheongju for the period of non-Asian dust days using the weather chart, the stream lines at 850 hPa, the backward trajectory, and the weather and air quality model. As a result of analyzing the time series of PM2.5 concentrations and weather charts for the episodic days in Cheongju, the weather patterns were shown in related to long-range transport of PM2.5 from China or surrounding areas. In fact, in the PM2.5 time series, 60-80 ㎍ m-3, which is more than 2-3 times higher than the concentration attributed to Cheongju activities, was observed as a background concentration related to long-range transport. The distribution of high PM2.5 concentration was typically dependent on the locations of the high and low pressures above the ground while the upper jet stream passed through the Korean Peninsula. Consequently, the high PM2.5 concentration in Cheongju is due to massive air pollutants in the form of smog originated from industrial, household and energy combustion sources of Beijing and other nearby regions of China. These air pollutants move along a fast zonal wind caused by the atmospheric pressure arrangement. high concentration of PM2.5 in Cheongju City is because the mass of air pollutants in the form of smog generated from industrial, household and energy combustion origins in Beijing or other nearby regions of China move along a fast wind speed zone according to the atmospheric pressure arrangement of long-distance transportation. Air pollutants including PM2.5 show an M-shaped pattern that passes through the topography of the Cheongju basin from north to south as a belt or band-shaped pollutant. The ground high pressure according to the above-ground high pressure expansion area and cut-off low or low pressure arrangement, or the bands in the form of river stems appear in a gradual incremental pattern that changes into a U-shape under the influence of the wind.

• Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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• v.36 no.6_1
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• pp.1449-1463
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• 2020

As recent global warming and climate changes become more serious, the importance of CO2 absorption by forests is increasing to cope with the greenhouse gas issues. According to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, it is required to calculate national CO2 absorptions at the local level in a more scientific and rigorous manner. This paper presents the gridded expansion of forest flux observations and mapping of daily CO2 absorption by the forests in Korea using numerical weather prediction data and satellite images. To consider the sensitive daily changes of plant photosynthesis, we built a machine learning model to retrieve the daily RACA (reference amount of CO2 absorption) by referring to the climax forest in Gwangneung and adopted the NIFoS (National Institute of Forest Science) lookup table for the CO2 absorption by forest type and age to produce the daily AACA (actual amount of CO2 absorption) raster data with the spatial variation of the forests in Korea. In the experiment for the 1,095 days between Jan 1, 2013 and Dec 31, 2015, our RACA retrieval model showed high accuracy with a correlation coefficient of 0.948. To achieve the tier 3 daily statistics for AACA, long-term and detailed forest surveying should be combined with the model in the future.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.169-185
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to apply the clothing teaching-learning plan from a critical science perspective developed to improve teenager's empowerment, and to examine it's effects. A total of 12 plans of 5 modules(Module A to E) developed from critical science perspective were implemented for four weeks. Second-year students (N 42) of K Middle School located in Y-si, Gyeonggi-do participated in the study in the study, and the survey results were analyzed quantitatively using t-tests. For the quality analysis, The student interview data, action reports and etc. were collected, and qualitative analysis was conducted using empowerment model as the analysis framework. The findings of study are follows. First, two hours each for modules A to D, and four hours for module E were assigned, because module E included an action project. In the action projects by for groups, students were expected to take the lead in conducting the activities such as developing promotional posters, posting opinions online, promoting videos, informing how to make recyclables, and donating to the community. Second, as a result of analyzing the pre-implementation vs post-implementation empowerment scores, a significant difference was found in social-political empowerment (t=-2.06, p<0.05). According to the analysis of student interviews and students project's reports, students were found to become aware of empowerment through the instruction. On the intrapersonal level, positive self-awareness and self-efficacy, and on the interpersonal level, smooth communication and democratic decision-making were confirmed. This study is meaningful in that regular a home economics instruction class from a critical science perspective have made a quantitative and qualitative impact on teenagers' improvement empowerment, providing opportunities to find their roles in the soceity, cooperate with others, and behave responsibly as members of society.

• 지역과문화
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.133-154
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• 2020

In this study, we reviewed the preparation process and the main Uimul involved in the procession of Gyeongsang Gamsa Doim in the late Joseon Dynasty. We reviewed the Yeongyeong- Ilgi, written by Cho, Jae-ho, and the Miam-Ilgicho, wtitten by Yoo Hee-chun. Those who had been appointed as a Gamsa by the Sammang System went through the Saeun and Sajo procedures to thank and say goodbye to the king before leaving for his assignment. The Gyoseo and Yuseo were usually received from the king at this time, but in some cases, they were received in the Seungjeongwon, or the Seori of Seungjeongwon brought them directly to the place where the Gamsa works. The Milbu with the Eoab was received along with the Yuseol, and the principle was to return the Milbu later. The procession of Gamsa is divided into the pre-and post-Gyoinsik procession and the Sunryeok procession. It was confirmed that the pre-Gyoinsik procession was made more compact than the post-Gyoinsik procession. In the study, we reviewed Ilsan, which is necessary for the officials' procession, and also examined the Gyoseo, Yuseo, Jeol·Wol, and Milbu received from the king. We also looked at the Gwan-in and Byeongb given by the former Gamsa at the the Gyoinsik. The Jeol, which means the command and the Wol, which means killing power, were given to the Gamsa. And unlike previous studies, it was confirmed that the Jeol was a perforated hexagon and and the Wol was a trident. Also, it was found that Ilsan is white, and there are two rows of Yuso on each of the six ribs of the umbrella. It is thought that the results of this study, which looked at the Doim process and Uimul by dividing the Gyeongsang-Gamsa Doim procession in the late Joseon Dynasty pre-and post-Gyoinsik, will be helpful in understanding the process of Gasmsa Doim. In addition, it is expected that it can be used as basic data for reproduction event of traditional culture related to Gwana, such as the reproduction of Gyeongsang-Gamsa Doim-Sunlyeok procession and Gyoinsik.