• Title/Summary/Keyword: 인허가

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A Study of Collaboration between the Census and GIS for Urban Analysis: Modification of Digital Maps and Establishment of Census Tracts (도시분석을 위한 인구주택센서스와 GIS의 연계활용방안 연구: 수치지도의 보완과 센서스트랙의 결정)

  • Koo, Chamun
    • Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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    • v.2 no.2
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    • pp.27-44
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    • 1999
  • Digital maps produced in Korea are various in scale and include a lot of geographic and attribute data. In this study, it is argued that, to reduce the production cost and the difficulties for renewal, it is necessary to establish the already nationally drawn 1:5,000 scale digital maps as the base maps and simplify them as much as the TIGER files in the U.S. The comprehensive data included in the digital maps in Korea are mostly land use information, which are supposed to be established separately from the digital maps. The land use information system could be maintained and updated cheaply and frequently at the local government level. In response to common needs, the land use information could be imported to GIS and used for analyses. As technologies and societies changes, the Census questions and methodologies should be changed for better uses. Along with GIS, the Census would be developed and processed more reliably and efficiently. Also, it is recommended for Korean government to develop the Census Tract and Block Group system. Current Eup, Myon, Dong as basic units for Census information may not be useful or effective for micro level urban analyses and public service planning activities because of their large population and land areas. It is recommended that optimum population of a Census Tract be 5,000 and a Block Groups 1,500, and one Census Tract includes 1~9 Block Groups. It is recommend that Census Tract and Block Group boundary lines be decided flexibly in light of population, physical features, socio-economic attributes, and tradition. For urban analyses using GIS, socio-economic census data, city government's information such as parcel data and building permit data, survey data, and satellite image data could also be used. The existence of Census Tracts and Block Groups as well as GIS could help for the data and methods to be useful for urban analyses and public service provisions.

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Study on Discharge Characteristics of Water Pollutants among Industrial Wastewater per Industrial Classification and the Probability Evaluation (업종별 산업폐수중 수질오염물질 배출 특성 및 개연성 평가 연구)

  • Ahn, Tae-ung;Kim, Won-ky;Son, Dae-hee;Yeom, Ick-tae;Kim, Jae-hoon;Yu, Soon-ju
    • Journal of Korean Society of Environmental Engineers
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    • v.38 no.1
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    • pp.14-24
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    • 2016
  • Information on the lists of pollutants from industrial wastewater discharge are essential not only to specify the key pollutants to be managed in permission process but to design the treatment facilities by the dischargers. In this study, wastewater quality analysis was conducted for three industrial categories including the specified hazardous water pollutants. The general description of the wastewater occurrence, major sources, treatment facilities are also investigated to obtain integrated database on the pollutant inventories for the industrial categories. In addition Based on the analysis of raw wastewater and final effluent, the detected pollutant items are confirmed by analyzing their presence in the raw or supplement materials, the potential of formation as byproducts, and the possibility of inclusion as impurities. The three industrial categories include petrochemical basic compounds, basic organic compounds, and thermal power generation. The water pollutants emitted from petrochemical basic compound manufacturing facilities are 31 items including 16 specified hazardous water pollutants. Basic organic compound manufacturing facilities discharge 30 kinds of pollutants including 14 specified hazardous water pollutants. Thermal power generation facilities emit 20 pollutants, 8 specified hazardous water pollutants among them. These substances were decided as emission inventories of water pollutants finally through the probability evaluation. The compounds detected for each categories are screened through investigation on the possible causes of their occurrence and confirmed as the final water pollutant inventories.

A Study on Improvement of Test Method of Nuclear Power Plant ESF ACS by applying Regulatory Guide 1.52 (Rev.3) (Reg. Guide 1.52(Rev.3)를 적용한 원전 ESF 공기정화계통 성능시험법 개선 연구)

  • Lee, Sook-Kyung;Kim, Kwang-Sin;Sohn, Soon-Hwan;Song, Kyu-Min;Lee, Kae-Woo;Park, Jeong-Seo;Cho, Byoung-Ho;Yoo, Byeang-Jea;Hong, Soon-Joon;Kang, Sun-Haeng
    • Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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    • v.8 no.4
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    • pp.311-318
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    • 2010
  • U. S. NRC Regulation Guide 1.52 regulating ESF ACS in nuclear power plants has been revised to revision 3. To apply reduction of operability test time, allowance of alternative challenge agents for in-place leak test of HEPA filters, and upgrade of Methyl Iodide penetration acceptance criterion in activated carbon performance test suggested in Reg. Guide 1.52(Rev.3) on Yonggwang units 5 and 6 ESF ACSes, technical feasibility study was carried out with on-site experiments as well as experiments with a lab-scale model. It was confirmed that the moisture in the system returned to the level before the test in 1 or 4 days even though the moisture was removed during the operability test lasting more than 10 hours. Therefore, it is appropriate to perform monthly operability test in 15 minutes just long enough to check the operability of equipment. To change challenge material for in-place HEPA filter leak test, size of aerosol, production rate, and leak detection capability were compared for DOP and PAO. It was concluded that PAO can be substituted for DOP in nuclear power plants. The upgrade of Methyl Iodide penetration acceptance criterion from 0.175 % to 0.5 % in active carbon filter bed deeper than 4 inches was to conform to the change of activated carbon performance test method to ASTM D3803(1989). It was confirmed that Methyl Iodide penetration acceptance criterion of 0.5 % under $30^{\circ}C$, relative humidity 95 % condition was conservatively good enough for testing performance of active carbon insitu. The licence change of Yonggwang units 5 and 6 has been completed based on this study.

Problems Analysis and Revitalization Plan of Urban Development Projects by the Land Readjustment Method (환지방식에 의한 도시개발사업의 문제분석 및 활성화대책)

  • Kim, Hyoung-Soo;Lee, Young-Dai;Lee, Jun-Yong
    • Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
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    • v.10 no.5
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    • pp.37-46
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    • 2009
  • This research will focus on the public agencies, designers, supervisors, building cooperation, and contractor who involved in urban development plan. By understanding the complexity and the priorities in urban development process, all problems of the urban development projects can be solved or improved. These priorities are specified using AHP (Analytic Hierarchy Process). A questionnaire survey is employed to identify the problems of urban development process and the methods of revitalizing urban in this research. Through the survey, 35 issues are drawn out. Factor analysis technique is applied to extract the underlying interrelationships possibly existing. Using latent root criterion and varimax rotation method, 9 factors are extracted(by using 34 issues after deleting 1 issue less than 0.4 of factor loading) These 9 factors named as PIF (Problem Improvement Factor) consist of integration estimation (PIF1), cooperation operation capability (PIF2), contractor corporation capability (PIF3), capital for infrastructure investment (PIF4), misunderstanding of effective land use (PIF5), financial capability (PIF6), obscure goal of project (PIF7), shortage of cooperation expertise (PIFS), administrative procedures (PIF9). PIF 6 is the most important factor and PIF 1 is the most widely effective factor to succeed urban land development projects. It is recognized that administrative office is most responsible for PIF1 cooperation is most responsible for PIF2, 7, 8 and 9; contractors is most responsible for PIF3 and PIF6; administrative agencies is most responsible for PIF4; cooperation and consultants are responsible for PIF5. From findings in this study, some suggestions are proposed for the revitalization methods of urban development projects through the land readjustment method.

A Study on the Establishment and Operation of a Regulatory Response Framework in connection with the Regulatory Strength of the Licensing Policy for New Medical Devices -Focusing on the Application of FMEA- (의료기기 신제품의 인허가정책 규제강도에 연계한 규제대응 프레임워크 수립 및 운영에 관한 연구 - FMEA 적용을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Gyosu;Ru, Gyuha;Kim, Yeonhee
    • Journal of Technology Innovation
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    • v.28 no.4
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    • pp.1-26
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    • 2020
  • Due to the spread of Corona 19 around the world, Infectious Disease Medicine and New Medical Devices such as Diagnostic Agent are being rapidly developed and launched, and for the fast supply and demand of these, each country has eased import regulations or has implemented policies for fast approval(NIDS, 2020). On the other hand, New Developed Medical Devices that are not related to New Infectious Diseases, they are still entering the market through strict licensing and licensing regulations, such as delay and cancellation in the test inspection process, etc. Therefore, This Study specialized in the government-managed laws encountered when New Medical Devices enter the market, derive Factors influencing the Strength of Regulations, analyzes the Strength of Regulations, and proposes a Regulatory Response Framework. The Research Method was conducted by Literature Research, was applied by Failure Mode and Effects Analysis(FMEA) Method, Expert Interview(1st): Idea Collection, Expert Interview(2nd): Validation, and Priority through the Application Process of FMEA Method. A Method of Quantifying the Intensity of Regulation was proposed by multiplying the Impact of the Influencing Factors for each stage of regulation and the Burden Impact for each type of Regulatory Affairs to find the Importance of the Regulatory Factors and multiplying the Severity of the Regulatory Impact. The Implications are that major overseas countries and the Korean government are actively responding with Special Regulatory Policies and Mitigation Policies for fast licensing of New Developed Medical Devices in accordance with Corona 19. It is expected that the direction for improvement of regulations and measures to respond to regulations will be implemented so that a more proactive and preemptive response to the regulatory process of the licensing policy for New Devices can be achieved.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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