• 월간낙농육우
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• v.29 no.12
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• pp.150-155
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• 2009

송장목장은 그야말로 땅과 함께 더불어 사는 '시골 목장'이다. 착유소가 33마리. 결코 대농이라 부를 수 없는 규모로 우유 뿐 아니라 쌀부터 버섯, 고추, 마늘 등 어지간한 농산물을 목장 주변 곳곳에서 직접 농사지어 먹고 있다. 그래서 목장을 찾은 이들에게 이것저것 내줄 것이 많은, 인심 좋은 '시골집' 이다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.39-70
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• 2014

Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung either accepted Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was or modified it. In this study, his Neo-Confucianism was divided into acceptance and modification in Yulgok Neo-Confucianism and examined. In the acceptance of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, it was clarified that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung thoroughly inherited characteristics of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, including 'Yiguijimyo', 'Yitongguiguk' and 'Guibalyiseungildo'. However, Myungjae was not just satisfied with inheriting Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was, but modified and inherited the theory of Yulgok by suggesting his own original preaching. There were three original preaching of his in overall; 'emphasis on the control of Li', 'argument method on a theory of gaining knowledge by the study of things', and 'perception on moral mind, human mind and human desire'. Ultimately, it is concluded that Myungjae modified, inherited and developed Yulgok Neo-Confucianism to adjust a theory of Neo-Confucianism in a position of 'Yiguijimyo', based on 'a theory of Guibalyiseungildo' of Yulgok as a Confucian scholar of Giho school. It is consistent with his life philosophy that he avoided speculative arguments on Neo-Confucianism and pursued solid study(實工) with solid mind(實心). It is also consistent with his view of learning that he believed that theories of ancient sages were already rich that we should read them and practice their true knowledge(眞知), and making an effort on writing regardless of them was not a study of Mushil(務實). However, due to his younger students, he was classified as a scholar who emphasized the control of 'Li' the most in Yulgok school, and a new academic tie of Giho Soron was created. It is the most important significance that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae has in that of Giho.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.307-336
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• 2018

This paper traces the historical genealogy of the subjectivity and the silsim (實心, true mind) that appear in Jeong In-Bo's "gukhak" (國學, the national learning) thought and illuminates its characteristics. In the modern East Asian history of thought, the beginning of the emergence of subjectivity and the silsim as the main philosophical topic comes from the Neo-Confucianism of Song Dynasty in China. Cheng Yi is the first thinker to emphasize subjectivity and consciousness. Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming inherit the Neo-Confucian thought based on Cheng Yi's principle of subjectivity, but only show difference in methodology. In the Chosun Dynasty, Jeong Je-Doo and his School were one example of the Neo-Confucian spirit of subjectivity and the silsim. Although Jeong In-Bo (鄭寅普) belongs to Jeong Je-Doo's school of Ganghwa in the school curriculum, he has only used it methodologically since he believed that Yangming's learning is more effective in the awareness and practice of the silsim. Especially noteworthy is that the principle of subjectivity led Jeong In-Bo to follow the frame of Zhu Xi's moral theory. Jeong's claim that selfish desire (jasasim 自私心) should be controlled by a conscious mind (silsim) being aware of the right and 'ought to do' corresponds to Zhu Xi's view that the moral mind (dosim 道心) should be selected in the conflict situation between sensual desire (insim 人心) and moral consciousness so that the insim should be supervised by the dosim. Such ethics is a position to emphasize the inner motive and the sense of duty of conduct, and there is no fundamental difference in Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming. At least on this point, it is necessary to look at modern and contemporary Korean studies from the perspective of continuity, not discontinuity from Confucian tradition.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.63-84
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• 2009

I analyzed about the Ruyi(儒醫)'s mind on this article. Ruyi led and Nei-Jing (內經)'s Xin(心)-Shen(神)-Qingzhi(情志) it developed a medical theory. Qingzhi comes true confucianism aims became the good tool. Junhuo(君火)-Xianghuo(相火) for them to apply medically. Junhuo-Xianghuo is a possibility of seeking a ground from Nei-Jing. Junhuo governs all body and Xianghuo takes charge of the role which raises the body. It is to divide huo(火)with relationship of the king and the liege man. After Yuan-dynasty(元代) Ruyi medical sciences grasped Junhuo-Xianghuo with confucianism structures. The representative scholar is Zhu zhen-heng(朱震亨). I analyzed Zhu's Junhuo-Xianghuo. Xin-huo rules over the body. For expression of active Chi, it set the dual structure-'Junhuo-Xianghuo'. And it divided Junhuo from desire and sentiment. And Zhu zhen-heng attempted Taoism and medical science and Confucianism from the process under integrating. And analyzed Junhuo-Xianghuo Confucianism meaning. With Junhuo-Xianghuo and Confucianism described a relationship in the Zhu zhen-heng's theory. Finally view of Ruyi, medical science is the method of confucianism aims comes true.

• The Korea Swine Journal
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• v.20 no.3 s.223
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• pp.98-99
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• 1998

농업은 인간성의 보고이다. 전체인구에 대한 농업인구비율이 점점 낮아지고 있는것이, 나빠지고 있는 우리네의 인심과 비례하는 듯이 느껴진다. 농업을 사랑하고, 농업인의 위상을 높히기 위해 개인적인 이익보다는 농업인 전체를 진정으로 먼저 생각하는 사람이 아쉽다. 본회 윤주성 이사는 평생을 양돈에 몸 바쳐 왔으며, 양돈인의 위상을 드높히는 데 누구보다도 더 열심히 노력을 한 사람중에 한명이다. 영세하고 무지했던 한국의 양돈을 새로이 일깨우기 위해 앞장서서 젊은 시절을 보냈으며, 양돈을 시작하는 후배들에게 귀감이 되고자 지금도 몸으로 실천하고 있는, 어쩌면 고집스럽기도 한 우리의 양돈가가 바로 그다.

• 프린팅코리아
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• s.16
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• pp.100-105
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• 2003

애연가들운 '밥은 굶어도 담배는 굶을 수 없다'고 한다. 해방 후 담배가 부족하여 배급제를 실시하자 꼭두새벽부터 번호표를 받기 위해서 줄을 서곤 했다. 피난 시절엔 길바닥에 버려진 꽁초를 주어 모아 궐련을 만든 사제 담배도 등장했다. 이도 구하기 힘들면 사전을 찢어 입담배를 말아 피우기도 했다. 지금에야 흔한 것이 담배인심이고 또한 사람들이 만나면 의례 먼저 귄하는 것이 커피나 담배다. 자연스럽게 귄하면서 친숙하게 다가갈 수 있는 것이 담배가 아닌가 싶다. 하지만 사람들은 담배가 인간에게 해로운 것임을알면서도 줄기차게 피워대며 그 중독 속에시 헤어 나오지 못하고 있다.

• KOREAN POULTRY JOURNAL
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• v.33 no.7 s.381
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• pp.72-74
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• 2001

여름 방학이 되면 대학생들은 '농촌봉사활동' 흔히 '농활' 이라는 것을 간다. 나도 학생이었을 적에 몇 번의 농활 경험이 있다. 평소에 하지 않았던 일들을 하기에 몸은 많이 힘들고 지치지만, 농민들의 푸짐한 인심에 많은 힘을 얻는다. 논에 들어가 잘 구분도 되지 않는 피를 뽑고, 밭에 나가 담배잎을 따고, 목장에 가서 소똥을 치우고, 닭장을 해체하기도 했다. 그렇게 많은 일들 중에서 끔찍하게도 하기 싫었던 일이 닭장을 청소하는 일이었다. 무더운 여름에 환기도 잘 되지 않는 닭장에 들어가 계분을 치운다는 것은 그 악취와 사우나를 방불케하는 계사의 온도는 일하는것을 고통스럽게 만든다. 이러한 악취의 원인은 다양하며, 연변도 그 원인 중에 하나이다.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.257-286
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• 2009

Yi, Hang-no said that taiji(=li) was Myeong-deok(illustrious virtue), the core of mind and heart, emphasizing the sides of superintendent and mysterious ability of li. It seems that he aimed to stress the upper status of li than qi, out of earlier general theory on mind and heart recognizing both li and qi consisted in the mind and heart. Through it, he wanted to say that only human being had moral mind like taiji and upper moral status than animals which human being should keep. The reason that Yi, Hang-no emphasized the difference between li and qi was because of a critical mind that the upper value of li than qi should not be changed and it would be the most dangerous situation if the value collapsed. Like this, Yi, Hang-no's attitude emphasizing li in his theory of mind and heart eventually aimed to explain the theory of Insim(Desire to be) and Dosim(Moral Mind). Yi, Hang-no's disciples testified that their teacher, Yi, Hang-no had cost his whole life to study the theory of Insim and Dosim. This means that Yi, Hang-no had tried to discriminate between Insim and Dosim, and to block private desires in Insim. The fact that Yi, Hang-no stressed the importance of the theory of Insim and Dosim had to do with the special situation that Western Power approached Joseon dynasty. Because Yi, Hang-no opposed the Westerner's moral consciousness for individual desires, against heavenly orders. To overcome the Western challenge, Yi, Hang-no strived to notice that taiji was the core of human mind. The point that Yi, Hang-no wanted to say was that Dosim(Moral Mind) was just the heavenly orders which human being couldn't disobey. Yi, Hang-no thought that Joseon couldn't defence Western flow without this theory of Insim and Dosim. Just after French invasion(1866), Yi, Hang-no was selected as a high-leveled bureaucrat, so he insisted his opinions for rejecting heterodoxy by the letters to the throne several times. The letters also contained his theory of Insim and Dosim mainly. Insisting fight against Western Power and prohibition of trade with Western Power, Yi, Hang-no eventually emphasized the king's right mind(Dosim) as a main and sole means to achieve all the goals he said. In conclusion, Yi, Hang-no's theory on mind and heart was as it is reflected in his letters to the throne. Therefore we can see that Yi, Hang-no's theory on mind and heart had harmonized with his movement to "Rejecting Heterodoxy".

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.9-40
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• 2014

This article focuses on Yeheon's consideration and solution for the hostile of social circumstances during the time of the Japanese invasions. Yeheon thought that the Chosun dynasty must have faced such disorder before the war happened. People including the king and his subjects did not live their life according to the righteous principle, and the state was not under control in a way that it should accomplish the Dao. Yeheon thought that the Japanese invasion, which is more like a flood or certain disasters, was not primarily responsible for the harshest of environments. Yeheon paid his attention to the fact that even after the Japanese invasions ended, people were still in disorder losing their mind-and-heart. People's mind-and-heart became that of animals because of starvation and disease. This is because the government made people trapped in a difficult situation by forcing them to prepare for military operations, rather than taking care of them. As a result, in Yeheon's view, the main cause of the social disorder was people's lack of mind-and-heart, which brought about their actions of brutality like those of animals. Although Yeheon himself did not form righteous armies, he instead suggested a right path to overcome and solve the social disorder by describing and analyzing in detail the reality of the war as well as the problems of policies. In particular, Yeheon studied the Zhou yi at the time because understanding the principle of fortune and misfortune, as well as the rise and fall of a state, could give a proper solution to the social turmoil of his times. In Yeheon's eyes, the most important thing to do in the time of people's losing mind-and-heart was to follow li and accomplish the Dao in their daily life. And this was what he, as a gentleman, should do. Yeheon thought that in spite of the harshest of environments, one can still preserve one's grace and dignity, which would overcome one's adversity. This gives us the following questions: should one put aside one's grace and dignity to overcome wartime perils? Or in so doing, one should face more severe time after a short period of peace and stability? These questions concern the relationship between one's morality and the state's responsibility, and what is the right way of doing one's duty to the state is the main philosophical subject in this article.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.1-28
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• 2019

Theories on the nature of the mind aim to accurately describe the nature of the human mind. In other words, these theories are meant to discover what the human mind ultimately is and what its nature is. In this study, I try to understand the theory of the nature of the mind in Daesoon Jinrihoe in connection to similar theories in Confucianism. Like in Confucianism, the issue of mind is an important subject in Daesoon Jinrihoe. The concept of 'mind' as presented in 'The Jeon-Gyeong' is connected to gods. But in 'The Jeon-Gyeong,' there is no premise that the mind is good or evil. It suggests that the mind is the center of humanity and the universe and that all things depend on the mind. Therefore it is understood that good and evil are revealed according to the actions of the mind. Conscience (良心) and self-interest (私心) are mentioned in 'Essentials of Daesoon Jinrihoe'. If conscience is understood as benevolence (仁) as spoken of by Confucius, or as Moral Knowledge in Mencius's usage, more advanced discussion can be made. If looked upon in that way, one can conclude that conscience is the nature of the mind and thereby, the nature of humans and their minds is good. Discussions on the nature of the mind can also be explained in relation to the concept of 'a Singularly-focused Mind (一心)', which was frequently emphasized by Jeungsan. The two mindsets of conscience and self-interest are mentioned, but the original mind is only conscience which exists as the nature of heaven (天性). Self-interest is nothing but an illusion. As Zhu Xi explained that even if a saint (聖人) thought of utterly nothing, he would became a madman, and therefore people should look closely and realize that self-interest is nothing but a delusion. Accordingly, when returning to one's conscience, the orignal state of a singularly-focused mind, it becomes the sort of Singularly-focused Mind that Jeungsan emphasized. In other words, self-interest is a form of greed that is born out of worldly desires.