• Title/Summary/Keyword: 인식적 권위

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A Study on Visual Identity of Korean Government (우리나라 행정부의 시각 정체성 연구)

  • Cho, Ju-Eun
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.19 no.2 s.64
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    • pp.261-272
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    • 2006
  • As we cannot think of our lives without a nation, it is closely related to almost every part of our daily lives. The role of government is becoming more important in the complex modern society as an essential element of national authority even though the government has indirect and secondary characteristics in its functional performance. Therefore, the government has to be efficient in planning and executing its policies, and it needs to be representative and fair as part of a national authoritative community. In the 21st century when symbolic and cultural importance of images are becoming more important, it is crucial for the government organizations to have an integrated identity design system that can satisfy both of these requirements of the government. However, the C.I.(Corporate Identity) of each Korean administrative branch has been developed separately and sporadically, which resulted in lack of consistency as part of the government. Shape and material of their C.I.s that follow short term design trend and popularity also lack uniqueness which can be distinguished from those of any private corporation. This may show that our government lacks systematic administrative capability, since image of a feature represents its characteristics and reality, and their recognition and evaluation from others become identity of the feature. In this perspective, the purpose of this thesis is to suggest an identity design system that has certain rules and regularity with wide variety of possible alterations for the central administration in Korea. In order to represent this visually, identity design system with both integrity and variety of possible alteration is created based on traditional Korean culture, especially the concept of Umyang-ohaeng and Samjae.

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The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jonbu(종부) Gwangju Lee's family management in Korean letter of Joseon era (한글편지에 나타난 해남윤씨가 8대 종부 광주이씨의 가문경영)

  • Lee, hyun-ju
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.73
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    • pp.385-414
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    • 2018
  • In this article, the women as the subject of the family management in the 19th century cataclysm, In particular, I tried to reconstruct the specific life course of a woman who has a status as a jongbu(종부) in the Korean language through the Hangul letter. The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jongbu(종부) Gwangju Lee attempted to find her own unique identity, not the male-centered social order she had learned. Because she had to live a life outside the traditional environment of traditional society because her husband died at the beginning of her marriage. She perceived herself as an independent subject that she had to find and maintain. When Gwangju Lee married and came to the family of Haenam Yun, the economic power of jong-ga(종가) was much inclined. This economic difficulty was caused by the conflict with the slaves and the decrease of tallage(地代) to the change of the slavery system which was the social flow at that time. And uncles of her husband's intervention made the economic situation of the family more difficult. She established her position as a jongbu(종부) and used the right of Adoption option(입후권) of the jongbu(종부) to establish the impoverished family. She chose adoption from distant relatives who were not children of her husband's uncles. Therefore, I was free from her husband uncle's interests. She also believed that it was most important to take control of the economic interests of her family in order to secure her authority as a jongbu(종부). She believed that she had to exercise her economic rights in order to bring slave labor, which is the most important means of sustaining the domestic economy at the time, In the absence of her husband, she established her family in the social upheaval of the nineteenth century, and took her place as a master of a family, not just a family name.

Comparative Study on the Shape and Symbolism of Flowered-Wall in Tradition Private Houses and Temples - Focusing on the Designated Cultural Properties of Jeollabuk-do Province - (전통민가와 사찰에 나타난 꽃담의 형태와 상징성 연구 - 전라북도 문화재를 중심으로 -)

  • Go, Yu-Ra;Sin, Sang-Sup
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.34 no.3
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    • pp.18-27
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    • 2016
  • A 'flowered-wall,' which are also called a 'flower plant patterned wall,' or a 'flower patterned wall,' is a wall of a building or a fence with various patterns on it. A flowered-wall can be an external mean to look into the owner's authority and values while internally it possesses the symbolic meaning of wishing the well-being and peace of the household. In the research area of the flowered-wall, the walls located in the palace were well researched in various studies across architecture, horticulture, and art design, however, the walls belonging to the local regional traditional folk houses and temples have been involved in little to no research in the landscape architectural area. Taking notice of this perspective this study researched and analyzed the cases of the flowered-walls of the traditional folk houses and the temples that belonged to the national and municipal cultural properties of Jeollabuk-do Province from the landscape architectural perspective. The whole samples were examined and it was shown that there were 9 traditional folk houses with flowered-walls. Among the temples there were 7 cases. Therefore the research focusing on tracing the shape and symbolic meaning of the flowered-walls in the 16 cultural properties located in the Jeollabuk-do Province which consisted of traditional folk houses and temples resulted in the following. Flowered-walls displayed hierarchical differentiation revolving around the main space and its spacial characteristic. This differentiation is variously displayed across the flowered-wall, gable, crack plastering, and chimney. In the case of the folk houses the symbols have the meaning of the prosperity of the household and progeny, exorcism, longevity, number of fortune, harmony, and peace etc that prays for practical wishes such as long life and good health with the prosperity of their descendants. Meanwhile in the temples, symbols indicating an easy passage into eternity, perpetuation of the Buddha-nature, and three marks of existence are applied, differentiating from the folk houses by the appliance of the religious values in the patterns. In conclusion this research resulted in the rightful illumination on the local landscape culture, the possibility of expressing the Korean sentiment through flowered-walls in the contemporary space, the reassessment of flowered-walls, and the provision of basic data for a plan to success the cultural heritage.

King Jeongjo's recognition on Neo-Confucian literati and it's historical meaning (정조(正祖)의 사대부(士大夫) 인식(認識)과 그 특징(特徵))

  • Park, Sung-soon
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.32
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    • pp.103-128
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    • 2008
  • King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

The Establishment of Seongjusa Temple and the Production of Iron Buddhas (성주사 창건과 철불 조성 연구)

  • Kang Kunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.10-39
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    • 2023
  • Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.