• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.12 no.3
• /
• pp.549-566
• /
• 2008

This study examines the effect of social conservative values that have risen as an important factor in American politics. Focusing on the abortion issue, it discusses how the abortion issue has affected American voters' issue and party preferences and their ideological orientations. The empirical results demonstrate that the abortion issue has contributed to reinforce the existing ideological and partisan divisions, although it has not realigned them. As a consequence, the abortion issue has become a significant determinant for vote choice since 1980s. Particularly in 1990s, when the polarization among the political elites became clear, the political effect of the abortion issue appears to be more evident.

• Management & Information Systems Review
• /
• v.37 no.2
• /
• pp.109-123
• /
• 2018

This research presented the privatization of pubic corporations in terms of communication dimension rather than political and ideological dimension. Concretely, we examined how the message framing of privatization affects consumer's advertising attitude. At the same time, this study also examined the moderating factors which make a difference of the message framing, such as personal relevance(high/low) and social value orientation(proself/prosocial). The results showed that the interaction effect between type of message framing and personal relevance. Positive message framing showed a higher effect than negative message in the case of low personal relevance. Also, There was the interaction effect between type of message framing and social value orientation. Positive message framing showed a higher effect than negative message in the case of proself. However, there was no difference in message framing effect when there was high personal relevance and prosocial. Lastly, the implications of this study was presented. First, this study expanded the scope of research related to message framing. Second, the use of moderating variables such as personal relevance and social value orientation increased the possibility of practical application. In addition, limitation and further study directions was discussed.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.81-111
• /
• 2017

This article analyzes three major issues related to regional voting in South Korea. First, is regional voting a regional problem or an ideological problem? Second, is regional voting caused by regional identity or regional interest? Third, has regionalism waxed or waned? Analyses of the cumulative data set since the 15th presidential election yield the following results. First, Yongnam people are more conservative than Honam people. Second, regional voting consists of ideological and regional components. Third, there exist both a hometown effect and an abode effect in regional voting, but the latter is significantly greater than the former. Forth, regionalism had weakened between the 15th National Assembly election and the 16th Presidential election, but has not varied much since then.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.16 no.8
• /
• pp.180-191
• /
• 2016

This study utilized a semantic network analysis for Korean major newspaper articles concerning 'Bernie Sanders'. 'Bernie Sanders' promotes conservative values of 'Americana' as well as the progressive values of 'relieving inequality', and thus, perhaps he is a subject on which ideological differences between the press can be distinctively manifest. Upon comparison of the priority of frequency between the conservative press and progressive press, the conservative press frequently used the expressions, 'socialist' and 'black man', whereas the progressive press frequently used the expressions, 'inequality' and 'problem'. Both the conservative press and progressive press displayed particularly different semantic compositions with the term, 'Korea'. The progressive press aimed to express the criticism of social problems and established politics identified by Sanders in relation to the 'Korean' society, whereas the conservative press criticized the blunt expressions stating that a specifically named politician resembles Sanders, and the specific party and term of 'Korea'. A completely different disposition of reports from different perspectives and context was ascertained, regardless of the use of the same terms. Thus, it is demonstrated that the semantic composition of the press on a specific issue displays significant differences according to their ideological disposition.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.84
• /
• pp.152-188
• /
• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
• /
• v.11 no.6
• /
• pp.483-491
• /
• 2017

This study investigates the perception of the general public through analysis of various potential risk factors reflecting nuclear power generation and nuclear power (radiation) and risks. A total of 293 copies of the data were collected from various strata in Busan. As a result, among the potential factors in everyday life, there was a high awareness of the risk to the fire. Next, the perception of risk for radiation terror and nuclear (nuclear) energy was relatively high compared to other risk factors. In the analysis according to age, educational background, and political ideological tendency, the results were contradictory to the necessity, risk and safety of nuclear power generation. The potential risk factors and the perception of nuclear power according to the tendency of political ideology were analyzed to be positive recognition of conservative ideology and negative recognition of progressive group. In other words, the perception of nuclear power was analyzed differently according to the tendency of political ideology. Therefore, it should be decided to reflect the opinions of experts and various opinions of the general public in the setting of nuclear radiation (radiation), it is believed that ordinary people need to take flexible action without having a vague sense of anxiety about various potential risks and nuclear power (radiation) based on objective and scientific grounds.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.52
• /
• pp.69-89
• /
• 2010

We investigated the frames represented in the news media coverage in Korean daily newspapers during dismissal procedure of the director-general of the public service broadcaster, KBS. We analyzed 470 newspaper stories in the period surrounding the dismissal. The use of news frames in newspapers depended on the disposition of outlets, conservative or progressive. Conservative newspapers, ChoSun and DongA, described the dismissal of the director -general with a generally favorable or supportive view, but progressive outlets, Hankyoreh and KyeongHyang, reported more and non-favorable for the issue. Our results showed that conservative newspapers more often used episodic and cause for dismissal frame in the presentation of news, whereas progressive more often used thematic and media independence frames. Main frames commonly used in the news are the cause for dismissal, conflict, media independence, and regime maintenance, respectively, which are formed by 9 minor news frames. Conservative newspapers concentered on the cause attribution; management responsibility, conflicts, and dismissal procedures, but progressive focused on media independence and dismissal procedures. All newspapers selectively quoted groups, institutions and actors to enhance their messages and frames. Finally, there was significant difference between stories in each newspapers and the court's ruling for the dismissal.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.35
• /
• pp.329-361
• /
• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.37-83
• /
• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Proceedings of the KAIS Fall Conference
• /
• 2009.12a
• /
• pp.237-240
• /
• 2009

1844년 Rochdale Pioneers는 소비자 협동조합을 만들고 그 첫 번째 상점을 열었다. 이 소비조합을 통해 지역 주민에게 양질의 식품을 저렴한 가격에 제공했다. 이러한 유럽의 전통적이고 좌파성향의 경제적 분배이념이 발전하여 유럽의 사회적 기업의 발판이 되었다. 뿐 만 아니라 1991년 이탈리아에서는 주주나 소유주의 이익 산출보다는 공동체 또는 구성원을 위하는 사회적 경제 개념의 협동조합이 시작되었다. 1980년 아쇼카 재단의 설립자 빌 드레이튼은 슘페트에 의해 처음 소개된 '기업가정신'을 한 단계 높은 차원으로 끌어올렸다. 그는 기업가 정신을 사회적 혁신에도 적용하여 사회의 난제에 대해서도 창조적 파괴를 시도하자는 뜻에서 사회적'과 '기업가'를 합성하여 사회적 기업가 정신이라고 사용했다. 이러한 사회적 기업의 발전 과정에서 보면 유럽과 미국의 인식의 차이를 우리는 느낄 수 있다. 유럽의 경우는 좌파적 성향이 담겨져 있다. 유럽의 사회적 기업은 협동조합에서 알 수 있듯이 공평한 분배 개념에의 접근이다. 그에 비해서 미국의 경우는 우파적 성향이 강하다. 미국은 기업가 정신이 투철한 기업가가 많은 부를 축척하고 이렇게 축척된 부의 분배 과정에서 사회적 가치가 강조된다. 이러한 사회적 기업을 가능하게 하는 요인 중 하나가 사회적 자본으로 불리는 네트워크이다. 본 연구는 25개의 사회적 기업 실증을 통하여 생존을 위한 전략적 차원에서 네트워크의 다양성과 강도가 사회적 기업의 기업생존과 고용성장, 매출성장 나아가 권한위임에 정의 관계가 있음을 검증하였다.