• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.1-15
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• 2015

The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration characteristics of Vietnam War Memorials(VWM) in the United States(VWMUS). Through site survey and internet research, the researcher selected 87 VWMUS except monuments simply with markers, and analyzed 5 analysis items: design concepts, spatial characteristics, landscape details, sculptures, and interpretive texts and symbols. The results are as follows: 1. The analysis revealed that the main concepts of VWMUS were to cherish victims of the Vietnam War(85 sites (97.7%)), show veteran's dedication for country(85 sites(97.7%)), and publicize the contribution of groups by troop, regional, and membership(84 sites(96.6%)). 2. Most VWMUS were located in memorial parks and plazas. 59 memorials(67.8%) were designed to pursue the completion of each memorial assuming the form of symmetry and circles. On the other hand, 12 memorials(13.8%) were typed memorial walls and 11 memorials(12.6%) were formed by spatial sequence including various landscape details and grading. 3. Stone walls were mainly used to cherish victims of the War at 65 memorials(74.7%), and also, Flags like the Stars and Stripes, POW MIA flags, and state flags were hoisted to symbolize memorial's identity at all memorials. Additionally, Benches, monuments, markers, posts and columns, ponds and channels, Helicopters were partially introduced some memorials. 4. Sculptures were used 21 memorials(24.1%) which were smaller in numbers than other War Memorial in the U.S.A., for black stonewall were used for the main element of VWMUS. Except for a few sculptures that aimed to represent the Vietnam War symbolically and narratively, 16 memorials(18.4%) were formed to realistically express the image of wounded soldiers and their hardship in the Vietnam War. 5. KIA, MIA, Veteran's name were written and their images depicted on walls, Also, the symbolic phrase, 'ALL GAVE SOME, SOME GAVE ALL' and 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY' were written on the memorials walls, and the POW MIA symbols were printed on the flags and engraved on walls. 6. In the United States of America, Democratic patriotism was considered a main ideological value in VWMUS by engraving KIA MIA's names on the walls, hoisting flags Stars and Stripes and POW MIA, and writing symbolic phrases 'ALL GAVE SOME, SOME GAVE ALL' and 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY'. On the contrary, in Vietnam, nationalism, patriotism, and socialism were emphasized as main ideologies through raising war victory and resistance to foreign power as well as writing the symbolic phrase 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement' on memorial towers. Further study will be required to comparatively analyze VWM in order to understand national characteristics in Korea, Australia, U.S.A, and Vietnam.

• Journal of The Korean Ophthalmological Society
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• v.59 no.11
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• pp.1077-1081
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• 2018

Purpose: We report two cases of corneal edema in patients who presented with bilateral blurry vision due to vaporized amines while working in a polyurethane processing plant. Case summary: A 28-year-old male presented with bilateral blurred vision. His work involved solidifying polyurethane liquid and he often found himself exposed to polyurethane heat and gas. Purpose: We report two cases of corneal edema in patients who presented with bilateral blurry vision due to vaporized amines while working in a polyurethane processing plant. Case summary: A 28-year-old male presented with bilateral blurred vision. His work involved solidifying polyurethane liquid and he often found himself exposed to polyurethane heat and gas. On examination, the patient's uncorrected visual acuity (UCVA) was 20/40 (right) and 30/50 (left). A slit lamp examination revealed subepithelial microbullae in both eyes. The central corneal thickness (CCT) was also increased in both eyes, measuring $698{\mu}m$ (right) and $672{\mu}m$ (left). After prescribing 0.5% moxifloxacin and, 1% fluorometholone eye drops for 3 days in both eyes, the UCVA recovered to 20/40 (right) and 20/20 (left). The CCT decreased to $644{\mu}m$ (right) and $651{\mu}m$ (left), and the microbullae improved significantly in the left eye. The second patient was a 34-year-old female who presented with bilateral decreased visual acuity while at work. She worked in a factory that produced car seat filling. Her UCVA was 20/25 (right) and 20/20 (left). The CCT by specular microscopy was $537{\mu}m$ (right) and $541{\mu}m$ (left). On slit lamp examination, both eyes demonstrated bilateral central subepithelial edema. The patient did not attend any follow-up outpatient appointments after the initial presentation. Conclusions: Exposure to vaporized amines such as polyurethane may causereversible corneal toxicityeven without direct contact. Further consideration should be given to ocular safety and protection from amine compounds in the industrial field.On examination, the patient's uncorrected visual acuity (UCVA) was 20/40 (right) and 30/50 (left). A slit lamp examination revealed subepithelial microbullae in both eyes. The central corneal thickness (CCT) was also increased in both eyes, measuring $698{\mu}m$ (right) and $672{\mu}m$ (left). After prescribing 0.5% moxifloxacin and, 1% fluorometholone eye drops for 3 days in both eyes, the UCVA recovered to 20/40 (right) and 20/20 (left). The CCT decreased to $644{\mu}m$ (right) and $651{\mu}m$ (left), and the microbullae improved significantly in the left eye. The second patient was a 34-year-old female who presented with bilateral decreased visual acuity while at work. She worked in a factory that produced car seat filling. Her UCVA was 20/25 (right) and 20/20 (left). The CCT by specular microscopy was $537{\mu}m$ (right) and $541{\mu}m$ (left). On slit lamp examination, both eyes demonstrated bilateral central subepithelial edema. The patient did not attend any follow-up outpatient appointments after the initial presentation. Conclusions: Exposure to vaporized amines such as polyurethane may causereversible corneal toxicityeven without direct contact. Further consideration should be given to ocular safety and protection from amine compounds in the industrial field.

• Journal of agriculture & life science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.69-83
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• 2011

The aim of the research was to provide basic information for a suitable management and utilization of protected trees by law. To achieve this aim, this study investigated the current state, management status and utilization of protected trees by law in Gyeongsan city. The result of the current state of protected trees indicated that there were 55 protected trees designated since 1982. These trees consisted of 8 species which were located at 41 places. Major species was Sophora japonica (30.9%), followed by Zelkova serrata (23.6%). The protected trees have been used as sacred trees (45.5%) in the villages, followed by scenic trees (36.7%). 38.2% of the protected trees were 200 to 300 years old and 54.6% of the trees were 15 to 30 m in height. 34% of the protected trees were located in the villages, followed by beside road (19.5%). Single trees (78%) were mostly planted. The result of the management status indicated that 58.5% of the root area in protected trees were covered with bare ground, followed by gravel mulch (19.5%). The average of soil hardness was 9.64 mm. The safety fence of tree was installed at 9 places (22%) and a stone wall was built at 22 places (53.7%). 70.9% of the protected trees had a surgical operation to prevent cavities and to cure decay. Granite stone signs were installed at 33 places. The result of the utilization of protected trees indicated that 13 places were used as a rest area in the villages. It consisted of shelters, benches, athletic facilities and outdoor tables. The research suggested potential places for a mini park(pocket park) to recover a local community by using surrounding available land and improving current rest areas of protected trees. The research presented here is a first step towards a more comprehensive analysis of protected trees in Gyeongsan and further research is needed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.1-14
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• 2021

Ssangsanjae was created in the mid-1800s, It is located at Jiri Mountain to the north and the Seomjin River to the south. This garden has not changed much even though it has passed through the sixth generation since its creation, so it still retains the features of a private garden in the late Joseon Dynasty. This study focused on the changing landscape of Ssangsanjae as a historical garden; through field surveys, interviews and analysis of builder's collection, boards and couplets. Ssangsanjae is largely classified into inner and outer gardens, and the inner is divided into an entry space, a residential space, and a backyard. The backyard consists of Seodangchae, it's garden, Gyeongamdang, and swimming pool, and is connected to the Sado Reservoir area, which is the outer garden. The distinct vegetation landscape of Ssangsanjae are a 13,000m² bamboo and green tea field, Peony(Paeonia suffruticosa Andr. and Paeonia lactiflora var. trichocarpa(Bunge) Stern) planted on both sides of the road that crosses the lawn, the view through a frame(額景) shown by the twisted branches of Camellia and Evergreen spindletree, and a fence made of Trifolia Orange(Poncirus trifoliata) and Bamboo. Ssangsanjae stands out for its spatial composition and arrangement in consideration of the topography and native vegetation. The main building was named by the descendants based on the predecessor's Aho(pseudonym), and it is the philosophical view of the predecessors who tried to cultivate the younger students without going up on the road. The standing stone and white boundary stone built by Mr. Oh Ju Seok are Ssangsanjae's unique gardening facilities. The stone chairs, and swimming pool which were created by the current owner for the convenience of families and visitors also make a distinctive landscape. Ssangsanjae, for residents, was a place for living, exchanging friendships, training himself and seculusion, for children was a place for learning, but now is 'the private garden' where many people can heal themselves. Over the 200 years, the landscape of Ssangsanjae's inner and outer gardens experienced large and small changes. As such, it is necessary to recognize the historical gardens with changing properties as a living heritage. This study is significant in that, as the first study to approach Ssangsanjae in the view of landscape research, it provides basic data on Ssangsanjae as a destination of garden tourism.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.116
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• pp.251-281
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• 2017

The Parmenidean tradition of logos which previous researches fail to fully appreciate has three dimensions of reality-knowledge-discourse. Parmenides is not just an ontologist, as the traditional view emphasizes, but also an epistemologist, as the revisionist view begins to emphasize, and, at the same time, a meta-discourser, as those two established views fail to embrace. In order to reach the third view which fully grasps such a dynamic and integrated feature of Parmenides, we should closely pay attention to the organic interconnectedness of three discourse parts of truth-doxa-proem, especially the significance of proem and meta-discourse. In the Eleatic tradition of discourse, the figure who clearly appreciated and further developed such an authentic feature of Parmenides' discourse is not, as one might easily expect, one of the second-generation Eleatics, but Gorgias who has commonly been positioned at the opposite side of Eleatism. This paper investigates how he actually both innovated and succeeded the Parmenidean tradition of logos; especially, it characterizes his discourse as an antilogy(antilogia) from within the tradition: as a 'devil' advocate' who complemented and completed Parmenidean persuasion by positing the Parmenidean tradition of logos as an arena of a huge intellectual discipline and cultivation, offering himself as a sparring partner to it, and bringing up an antilogy. In the process of this antilogy he performed in his rhetorical speeches such as the Encomium of Helen and the Defense of Palamedes he experimented and examined a possibility of persuasion operating independently from truth, which, however, is not merely sacrificing truth in favor of persuasiveness and probability (to eikos) as Plato criticized mainly focussing on his 'philosophical' writing On not-being. Rather, it was an 'opposition for opposition's sake' and serious play which purported to provide balance and flexibility to contemporary intellectual society which had too much inclined towards truth and knowledge and become stiff and to put weight on the opposite side of mainstream. It is wholly our eranos (i.e. our share of contribution) to summon and examine such sophistic tradition for the sake of the task of our times, not for the sake of Plato's task, that we should build up a healthy culture of discourse where we can share serious play.

• Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.193-206
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• 2014

The objectives of the project are to increase farmers' income through GAP and to reduce the loss of agricultural produce, for which the Korean partner takes a role of transferring needed technologies to the project site. To accomplish the project plan, it is set to implement the project with six components: construction of buildings, installation of agricultural facilities, establishment of demonstration farms, dispatching experts, conducting training program in Korea and provision of equipments. The Project Management Committee and the Project Implementation Team are consisted of Korean experts and senior officials from Department of Agriculture, Myanmar that managed the project systematically to ensure the success of the project. The process of the project are; the ceremony of laying the foundation and commencing the construction of training center in April, 2012. The Ribbon Cutting Ceremony for the completion of GAP Training Center was successfully held under PMC (MOAI, GAPI/ARDC) arrangement in SAl, Naypyitaw on June 17, 2012. The Chairman of GAPI, Dr. Sang Mu Lee, Director General U Kyaw Win of DOA, officials and staff members from Korea and Myanmar, teachers and students from SAl attended the ceremony. The team carried out an inspection and fixing donors' plates on donated project machineries, agro-equipments, vehicles, computers and printer, furniture, tools and so forth. Demonstration farm for paddy rice, fruits and vegetables was laid out in April, 2012. Twenty nine Korean rice varieties and many Korean vegetable varieties were introduced into GAP Project farm to check the suitability of the varieties under Myanmar growing conditions. Paddy was cultivated three times in DAR and twice in SAl. In June 2012, vinyl houses were started to be constructed for raising seedlings and finished in December 2012. Fruit orchard for mango, longan and dragon fruit was established in June, 2012. Vegetables were grown until successful harvest and the harvested produce was used for panel testing and distribution in January 2013. Machineries for postharvest handling systems were imported in November 2012. Setting the washing line for vegetables were finished and the system as run for testing in June 2013. New water tanks, pine lines, pump house and electricity were set up in October 2013.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.52
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• pp.7-46
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• 2017

The elderly in the Joseon Dynasty consistently attracted attention from the national herb as objects of social respect. Based on the Confucian ideology, the old man was considered to be a receiving body, since he was a person with complete character as a man. The elderly, who have the character of being a slave, transcended their status, and both the souls and the people were transcended beyond their identities and attributes and became objects of respect. The perception of the elderly is divided by age. The persons who are 50 years old and start to be in physical decline were regarded as senior citizens. However, this was just mentioned as an inflection point between the prime of manhood and senior citizens and was not defined as the elderly. As a public duty called a national work ends when they are 60 years old, the age is truly the lowest limit of senior citizens who are applicable to all the social beings. However, because their public duties end when they are 60 years old and they were regarded as general members of society, special benefits were not granted to them. In the caste system and bureaucratic society, senior citizens' treatment were differently done by age. For the senior citizens who are 70 years old, various benefits were just granted to high government officials. Bokho(復戶) and Seojeong were first given to them. And the retirement age of government officials was not specially set. It was done in the way to treat Jonno with exceptional respect by Chisa(致仕: regular retirement). It is the most respectful treatment given to high government officials and ministers. For the senior citizens who are 80 years old, Yangnoyeon(養老宴) was held for both of Yangmin and Cheonmin as an measure to treat them considerately. In addition, official ranks(官品) with social value were allowed by giving them Noinjik (老人職). Official ranks given to Seoin and Cheonin were the best Jonno(尊老) policy. However, the Jonno policy related to senior citizens was different according to position and official ranks as follows: Kings were subjected to social treatment when they were 60 years old. High government officials and royal relatives of the senior grade of the second court rank were subjected to social treatment when they were 70 years old. And general Seoin and slaves were subjected to social treatment when they were respectively 80 and 90 years old. Senior citizens were individually supported. However, social value was granted because the nation supervised it. As Bokho and Sijeong were assigned according to position and official ranks and kinds of things were different, the social limit was clearly shown. Social order was put above the ideology called Jonno thought. However, Jonno acts by age and position did not stay at the individual level and the nation took care of the senior citizens who are the members of society in various ways based on Jonno thought. Society tried to take care of the senior citizens who had difficulties in their activities because of being in physical decline. The nation increased the existence value of the senior citizens by giving things(賜物) including chairs, rice, meat, and ice economically, exoneration(免罪), the reduction system, and wergild legally, and Noinjik called Gaja(加資) socially to them and changing them to the members of society. Yangnoyeon and Gaja held targeting people of every class by transcending position and official ranks make the point that the senior citizens who are more than 80 years old are subject to social jonno clear. That is, the senior citizens were subject to respect for the elderly as the persons who were socially respected transcending their position when they got to be 80 years old.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.287-325
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• 2011

This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.