• 중국학논총
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• no.55
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• pp.51-66
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• 2017

颐斋在『颐斋乱藁』中记录了自己对周易进行学习的内容.他从1760年(庚辰)32岁开始正式在白羊寺的众多庵堂里进行研读, 历经３年, 于1763年(癸未)7月23日离开白羊寺.之后, 他与金时粲, 徐命膺, 沈定镇, 韩晚裕, 李得显等人一起对周易进行了讨论, 并将自己的见解记录下来.他留下的注释书有 『皇极经世书解』 『朱子明筮赞解』, 『阳九阴六用数图』, 『经世天地始终之数图』, 『经世四象体用之数图』, 『易学啓蒙解』 等. 还有 『读易学啓蒙』, 『论易吟』, 『大易吟』 等３首与周易相关的诗.本论文则通过这３首诗对颐斋的周易特色进行阐明, 其特色大致可以概括为受容, 继承并发展了朱熹的主张.但他对周易的理解, 就像他所说的'通过象和数可以进行更好地理解'那样, 与义理相比, 他更关心象数, 实际上关于象数的注释和讨论也更多.因此, 虽说周易从象数易和义理学方面发展为图书易和儒家易, 并由朱熹完成了象数易和义理易的大统一, 但颐斋可以说则是一位以义理易和儒家易为基础, 十分看重象数易的易学者.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.199-205
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• 2012

The purpose of this article is to study on the public administration in the perspective of I Ching(周易) which is the original philosophy and science of East Asia. I Ching is divided into two different schools, namely, the school of Image- Number I(象數易) and the school of Right Theory I(義理易). The school of Image- Number I are five science and technology(名 卜 醫 相 山) and astronomy, and so forth. And the school of Right Theory I are a Confucanist, a Taoist, a Mukist and all other thoughts. The meaning of Eastern Public Administration in mordern society is newer and better advanced concept, theory, and thoughts than western science and technology.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.6
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• pp.449-456
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• 2014

This study aims to contribute to our knowledge on gender role identity of middle-aged women within the Korean context. This research adapting Q methodology created a sampling distribution of P with 40 middle-aged women between 40-60 years old. We put each of 40 Q samples to become a forced distribution into 9 scales. And then we conducted a secondary analysis of the results from the principal component factor analysis by the PC QUANL program. Gender role identities of middle aged women were classified as four types: "affectionate-sensitive type", "affectionate-confident type", "assertive-confident type", and "sensitive-dominant type". Most of the middle-aged women in Korea tend to keep their original gender role identities. Some of women, however, experience the gender role identity change over time that their traits of traditional caring become more prominent than their affectionate character.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.1-22
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• 2014

Columns 12-18 record a conversation between an aged Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong concerning the Changes and especially the role of divination in its use. The last section, from the bottom of column 24, concerns the hexagrams Sun損, "Decrease," and Yi益, "Increase," which Confucius is here made to regard as the culmination of wisdom in the Zhouyi. The conversation between Confucius and Zi Gong, and especially Zi Gong's apparent misunderstanding of Confucius's interest in the text, has already attracted considerable scholarly interest. Zi Gong criticizes Confucius for changing his teaching about the importance of the Zhouyi and for performing divinations. Confucius responds that while he does indeed perform divinations. there is a major difference between his use of the text and that of others: he regards the I Ching as a repository of an ancient wisdom. This would seem to signal recognition of a dramatic change in the function and status of the text. Zi Gong said: "Does the Master also believe in milfoil divination?" The Master said: "I am right in only seventy out of one hundred prognostications. Even with the prognostications of Liangshan of Zhou one necessarily follows it most of the time and no more." The Master said: "As for the Changes, I do indeed put its prayers and divinations last, only observing its virtue and property. Intuiting the commendations to reach the number, and understanding the number to reach virtue, is to have humaneness and to put it into motion properly. If the commendation do not lead to the number, then merely acts as a magician; if the number does not lead to virtue, then one merely acts as a scribe. The divinations of scribes and magicians tend toward it but are not yet there; delight in it but are not correct. Perhaps it will be because of the Changes that sires of later generations will doubt me. I seek its virtue and nothing more. I am on the same road as the scribes and magicians but end up differently. The conduct of the gentleman's virtue is to seek blessings; that is why he sacrifices, but little; the righteousness of his humaneness is to seek auspiciousness; that is why he divines, but rarely. Do not the divinations of priest and magicians come last!" Although Confucius says two ways of the symbolic numbers and virtue-property, he emphasizes his way of virtue and property more important. In fact he who wrote in Yao 要, "essentials," Confucius's saying describes his own viewpoints of the Changes throughout the conversations between Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong, and is only to borrow the name of Confucius. Furthermore, quoting the original text in Yao 要, "essentials," in sequence, also comparing the materials of "the Analects of Confucius論語," with "the Shih chi史記," this thesis will be centered to a great extent on the relative similarity and differences between the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript and the received text, and discussed the authencity of Yao 要, "essentials," of the contents shown in the chapter of 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes."' the relation of Confucius and the Changes will be clarified naturally through this progress.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.279-304
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• 2008

This paper draws out the contents related to "Yuk(易)" Silhak(實學), and discusses the tendency in order to review the ideas shown in Wandang's Seodok(書牘). Also, it studies Taoism expressed in Seodok in terms of figuring out Wandang's Taoism. The features of his thoughts are following. The first one is the use of "Yuk(易)" for Soogichiin(修己治人). What he considered most important was Eumsiknamnyu(飮食男女) linked directly to the people's life. He maintained that a country must be ruled by doing Soogi(修己) with "Yuk(易)" and by making use of "Yuk(易)". The next one is both a view of Gyungsechiyong(經世致用) of Dongseoboolboon(東西不分) and a natural view of Iyonghooseng(利用厚生), standing on Silsagusi(實事求是). He actively accepted new learning and concepts those days, and he asserted that Western techniques should be even imitated for the sake of the nation. Thirdly, his view of Moowi(無爲) and Boolun(不言). He didn't use to do any Jakwi(作爲) of Jeosool(著述). This kind of view seems to save his life and be connected to Yangshin(養身) even though others tried to keep a jealous eye on and entrap him. Last, his concept of Jayeonsooneung(自然順應) and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). It is shown through his wish of farm work and his politics, saying that a king ought not to bind the people with faithfulness and propriety, and that he ought to rule the nation with humanity. In sum, Wandang's ideas shown in Seodok can be divided into two streams. One is Boshin(保身) through Moowijayeon(無爲自然), Boolun(不言), and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). The other is a pursuit of his studies for the purpose of Dukchi(德治) followed by Soogichiin, Kyongsechiyong, Iyonghooseng, and Injung. Here, since Boshin can be said to be advanced Soogi, and Soogichiin and others are connected directly to people's comfortable life, they can be integrated to Soogiianbaeksung(修己以安百姓). In other words, his thoughts were based on the fusion of Confucianism and Taoism, and he aimed at Soogiianbaeksung by accepting and using to take a look at the change of period and learning.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.145-166
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• 2009

This paper analyzes the views of Gyeongjae O Chiik on Classical Studies. O is the second son of Noju O Heesang (1763-1833). The characteristics of his views are as follows. First, unlike his father, Gyeongjae is more interested in Chinese Textual Criticism than in Hsing-li hsüeh. Therefore, he provides textual interpretation in detail with erudition in his Manrok and Munjip on the formation and problems for such classics as The Four Classics, The Classic of Poetry, The Book of Changes, The Rites of Zhou, The Book of Rites, and The Spring and Autumn Annals. Second, his openness. He didn't canonize The Book of Changes. Also, he thought that the analysis of Jeongja in his Annotation on the Book of Changes and Zhuxi's Original Interpretations, the absolute authority of the time, were not the only interpretation possible. He argued that other interpretation is possible depending on perspectives and it is desirable. We can see that Gyeongjae had transcended the world view of Zhuxi Studies. Third. he put the emphasis on the theories during the Han dynasty. He showed the inclination toward the Yuheung theories rather than Zhuxi theories in regard of the discussion of names in The Analects of Confucius. Fourth, unlike other Confucius scholars in Chosun, he showed interests in Gongyangjeon and Gokryangjeon. He compiled Gonggokmunseon with beautiful writings from both works. Fifth, he was interested in the dynamics of constant numbers. He grasped that what is important in the Book of Changes is not right principles but constant numbers and points. Thus he compiled Sangjeomyuhoe. Besides, he was also interested in the Rites of Zhou.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.387-415
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• 2010

This article examines Zhu Xi(朱熹)'s theory of I-Qing(易經) present in Yi Xue Qi Meng. Zhu Xi aims to establish a novel Confucian theory of I-Qing, examining the study of I-Qing in Han Dynasity and the Taoist theory of I-Qing. To this end, he embraces Shao Yong(邵雍)'s theory of Xian Tian. Adapting the notion of Xian Tian(先天) as developed by Shao, he completes the Image-Number(象數) Theory of Hetu-Luoshu(河圖洛書). While discussing Hetu Luoshu, Zhu Xi argues that the Image and Number are not merely a form of prognostication, but a medium that reveals the principles of the nature and the sagely ways of mind. In addition, by studing I-Zhuan(易傳) in authoring Yi Xue Qi Meng, Zhu Xi maintains that the notions of Image and Number as he understands were to be approved by Confucius. This leads to the unification of Sho Yong's Tai-Ji(太極), Zou Dun Yi(周 敦頤)'s Tai-Ji, and Tai-Ji in Hetu. Through this work, Zhu Xi attempts to construct a systematic philosophy that straddles ontology and value theory, while identifying Li (理) with Xiang (象) and Shu (數). The Image-Number Theory of Hetu-Luoshu has replaced numerous theories of Image and Number at the time of Zhu Xi. Based on this theory, he restores the method of divination as presented in Xi CI Zhuan(繫辭傳). By successfully applying his theory of Image and Number to interpreting a number of recorded examples of divination during the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period, Zhu Xi demonstrates that his theory is not only an abstract metaphysical theory, but also can function as an adaptable method of divination.