• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.228-241
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• 2021

Cremated archaeological bones provide crucial information to unravel the details of ancient cremation events and funeral culture. The research on cremated bones to date has been mainly focused on extracting archaeological information in Korea. Recently, the techniques of physical anthropology have been applied to obtain biological information and cremation temperatures for individuals. This study analyzed human remains excavated from Seoul Seokchon-dong Ancient Tombs and determined whether there were human cremations as well as the estimated cremation temperatures. There was no trace of fire in the pits where cremated bones were found; therefore, it is assumed that they were deposited with the artifacts. In this study, four samples were selected according to the surface color of the bones, and X-ray diffraction analysis (XRD) and Fourier-transformed infrared spectroscopy (FT-IR) were used for analysis. All four of the Seokchon-dong cremated bones were found, based on the crystallization index of X-ray diffraction analysis, to have experienced cremation above the temperature of 700℃. Infrared spectroscopy results indicated that the four bones from Seokchon-dong were cremated at temperatures above 700℃ and below 1,000℃. IR peaks were observed at 700℃, whereas no changes were found when bones experienced more than 1000℃. We assume that the cremated people in the Seokchon-dong Tombs were people of high-status because cremation at such a high temperature at that period required much effort. Here we present significant evidence of the cremation status and temperature of archaeological human bones on the basis of XRD and FT-IR, allowing for the restoration of the cremation events and funeral culture in archaeological sites.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.243-263
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• 2022

The royal court of Joseon had a tradition of mounting the Irworobongdo, a painting of the sun, the moon and the five sacred peaks, symbols of the king's immortal presence and authority, on a folding screen and placing it in special spaces within the palace that were reserved for the king. While the Irworobongdo is generally accepted as the important ceremonial object of the royal palaces of Joseon, there have been few studies on the various folding screens used in the royal palaces, largely because the official records about such screens do not match the remaining original relics. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the diversity of the shapes and mounting materials of the Irworobongdoused for various ceremonies held in the royal palaces of Joseon based on the Uigwe, the official records of the royal protocols of the Joseon dynasty. The discussion also extends to the theme rarely studied so far, namely the original form of the Irworobongdo and its evolution in the following period. The ceremonial "five peak" folding screens (Obongbyeong) used at a number of important palace buildings, including the crown hall (Jeongjeon), royal funerary hall (Binjeon), spirit hall (Honjeon) and portrait shrine (Jinjeon), differed in shape and size from the folding screens used in royal celebratory events such as banquets, although the paintings themselves and the style of mounting them were essentially the same. The paintings were mounted on screens bordered with green silk and ornamented with floral gilt designs. The folding screens used in royal ceremonies were produced according to strict guidelines that required the ceremonies and mounting materials to be graded on the basis of the status of each screen. It was not until the 1960s that these ceremonial folding screens of the Joseon dynasty, which had been neglected during the period of Japanese colonial rule of Korea, began to undergo conservation treatment provided as part of a heritage preservation program. Unfortunately, many of the screens repaired in this period lost some of their original features - largely due to the use of non-traditional mounting techniques. Considering, however, that significant achievements have since been made in the heritage preservation field based on the use of historical evidence, it is now necessary to systematically use the repair history of the information about the remaining royal ceremonial folding screens to ensure that they are preserved and managed more effectively in the future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.347-368
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• 2011

This article is a review of the composition pattern of Suryukjae, which is one of the Buddhist ceremonies, and a consideration of the performance process. As one of the ceremonies leading the dead to heaven performed in the Buddhist circle, Suryukjae had been performed in Buddhist temples nationwide, but currently, it remains only in several Buddhist temples. Suryukjae is composed as follows. First, the early part of Suryukjae is a stage of preparing Suryukjae and ensuring legitimacy; thus, it has no detailed Jaecha except for Gwanyok. It is made up of Onghoge and Dage, has no Somun, and is centered on Yojabbara. The middle part of Suryukjae is a part in which Suryukjae is performed on a full-scale, which wishes the achievement of the goal of Suryukjae. It is made up of Geobul, Dage, and Somun, and is centered on Sadaranibara. Furthermore, this part delineates the flow of the Jaecha concerned as it contains detailed Jaecha. Meanwhile, in the middle part of Suryukjae, there is only detailed Jaecha called Sajadanman Bongsong (sending off), and the rest parts including Orodan, upper part, middle part, and lower part, in which there is no detailed Jaecha called Bongsong. The fact that there is no Bongsong in this part means all Bongsong is made in Heuihyang Bongsong, which is the last Jaecha. This implies that Saja, which is enshrined in Sajadan, is the essence of the achievement of the goal of Suryukjae. Only when there is Saja, Muju, Yuju, and Gohon (the meaning of all spirits) can be led to heaven. Also, from a rough perspective, this part is connected to other Chundojae (ceremony for sending off the dead to heaven) in Korea. There is a geori(Jaecha) that calls in Saja also in Jinogigut (exorcism) of Seoul. Then, although various gods from the otherworld are coming in in succession, to which Saja enters clearly shows a process in that Saja returns to the next world with the dead through . Just as demonstrates a process in that Saja returns to the next world with the dead in Jinogigut, also in Suryukjae, Saja needs to return to the next world with Gohon; therefore, at least Sajadan has detailed Jaecha called Bongsong. That is, this means that although Suryukjae of Buddhism is different from other Chundojae in terms of the composition of Jaecha, its notion about Saja is the same.

• Vending industry
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• v.1 no.2 s.2
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• pp.80-87
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• 2001

최근들어 식품자동판매기가 매스컴으로부터 집중 뉴스 포커스를 받고 있다. 보상금을 노린 파파라치들의 미신고자판기 고발 급증, 컵음료 위생불량 실태 고발로 자판기에 대한 여론이 더 이상 방치해서는 안될 정도로 악화되고 있다. 특히 위생문제는 정도 이상으로 과대포장되어 각 매스컴에 보도됨에 따라 의례적으로 있던 위생점검 보도와는 달리 상당한 파장을 불러 일으켰다. 가뜩이나 부진한 시장 상황속에서 자판기 주변 환경적인 요인들이 여러 악재에 시달리는 상황을 더 이상 시간이 지나면 잠잠해 지겠지 하는 시각으로 바라봐서는 안된다. 이제는 고질적인 문제에 대한 근본적인 대책과 개선을 통해 보다 떳떳하고 당당한 설치환경을 확보해야 한다. 이러한 차원에서 금번 위생불량에 대한 왜곡된 보도가 안는 문제점을 통해 현행 자판기 위생관련 조항들이 갖고 있는 근본적인 모순점을 살펴보고, 이에 대한 올바른 개선방안을 모색하고자 한다. 아울러 영업신고와 자판기 위생관리 향상을 위한 산업계 자율 대책에 대해서도 살펴보고자 한다

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.151-173
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• 1991

A review of the royal banquet rituals which were excuted twice a day for consecutive three days for master were found to be progressed; 1st day for Queen Mother, 2nd day for King, 3rd day for Crown Prince very orderly. And performing dozens of dances and musics at each intervals of this procedure. The Sequence of rituals were summarized as follows. 1. Entering by order of low in rance. 2. Opening a ceremony. 3. Setting napkins, spoons and chopsticks and sumptuous table for master. 4. Offering flowers to master and then granting that flowers to subjects 5. Singing a open song. 6. Setting wine/side dishes for master and complimenting master's achievement/wellness. 7. Bowing politely three times and giving cheers. 8. Distributing wine/dishes to high ranked subjects. 9. Offering special dishes for master. 10. Distributing wine to low ranked subjects. 11. Singing a closing song. 12. Taking away tables. 13. Closing a banquet and leaving the hall.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.36 no.9
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• pp.35-47
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• 1998

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of household characteristics on household expenditures on wedding, funeral, ancestor worship, and 60th birthday anniversary. Data for this study were from the 1996 Annual Report on the Family Income and Expenditure Survey. OLS regression analysis was used to identify the effect of household characteristics on money spent on family ceremony expenditures. The household income, age of head, education of head, and family size were all significant factors for understanding family ceremony expenditures. The results also indicated that additional income from wife's labor force participation was associated with lesser expenditures on family ceremony, while business income, asset income, and transfer income had no effects on this category. The effect of the third quarter of 1996 was significant on family ceremony expenditures, indication that households spent significantly less for this category in the summer than did in the winter, holding other factors constant.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.40 no.11
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• pp.141-156
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• 2002

This study is about the wedding culture of Seoul and Kyungsangdo. This paper is a qualitative study that is based on interviews. As a result of this study, it became clear that before the industrialization of South Korea, there were different characteristics of wedding culture in each region. However, the unique characteristics of wedding customs in each region have been degenerated or exterminated, in tandem with the influx of customs from other regions, due to the dramatic urbanization of South Korea, and the development of transport and communication that appeared in the process of modernization. Furthermore, wedding customs were transformed from ceremonies based on a regional and kin-based community into those that were no more than mere events, which was derived from the industrialization and urbanization of Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.13 no.2 s.30
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• pp.166-179
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• 1989

This study was undertaken to discuss the frameworks of the gorgeous and magnificent royal procession ceremonies in the Yi Dynasty, thereby exploring the classification systems of 'three stages and five segments' on the basis of cultural anthropology and Korean traditional shamanism of ancestral sacrifices. The ceremonies were classified into three phases of (1) cleanup stage, (2) primary objective attendance stage, and (3) completing stage. Among these phases, p. :mary objective attendance stage was further distributed into five segments of (1) road guide, (2) dressing, (3) royal procession, (4) attendants' procession, and (5) back row procession. The isolates and functions of the royal procession ceremonies in the Yi Dynasty were studied through the application of Levi Strauss's structural methodology.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.43-56
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• 1997

This thesis is a study on the properties of new religious ritual dress in Korea to help understand new religions more completely. A new religion means 'Newly born religions'and it is an opposite conception of the existing religion. The new religions in Korea have been established, changed and become extinct beginning with 'Dong-Hak'movement by Choi Jea Woo in 1860. Sometimes they've caused social problems with their number increasing after the rapid industrialization in 1970's. There are about 350 new religions and 2,000,000 christians in Korea now. Some of theme are pseudo religions wearing the mask of religion and also there are great new religions that will contribute to our spiritual history. The latter shows the thoughtful properties of the union of religion, postnatal creation, nation's independence, and human's centralization. There are properties of pluralism, nation's independence, symbolism, and thoughts in a new religious ritul dress.